DUKE 

UNIVERSITY 


LIBRARY 


THE  STORY  OF  CALIFORNIA 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2015 


https://archive.org/details/storyofcaliforni01  nort_0 


0 


f: 

V' 


“THE  COMING  OF  CABRILLO ’’ 
(From  the  oil  painting  by  IV.  E.  Rollins) 


THE 


STORY  of  CALIFORNIA 

\ i 

FROM  THE  EARLIEST  DAYS 
TO  THE  PRESENT 


BY 

HENRY  K.  NORTON 


THIRD  EDITION 


SIGH  SCHOOL 


CHICAGO 

A.  C.  McCLURG  & CO. 
1920 


Copyright 

A.  C.  McClurg  & Co. 
1913 


PRINTING  COMP/ 


CHICAGO 


7 7 7.  f 

A 1 C C)  // 

A 7 5 7 


TO  MY  WIFE 


PREFACE 


The  present  work  is  the  result  of  an  endeavor 
to  bring  within  the  limits  of  one  volume  the  narra- 
tive of  all  the  important  events  which  make  up 
the  history  of  the  state  of  California,  in  order  that 
it  may  be  available  to  the  many  who  have  not  the 
time  nor  the  inclination  to  read  through  the  vast 
amount  of  print  which  contains  the  record. 

H.  K.  N. 


Los  Anceles,  California. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER 

PAGE 

I 

California  in  1540  .... 

I 

II 

Early  Explorations,  1542-1602 

17 

III 

Occupation  by  the  Spanish,  1769  . 

27 

IV 

Junipero  Serra,  1713-1784 

40 

V 

The  Founding  of  the  Missions  . 

48 

VI 

The  Presidios 

60 

VII 

The  Pueblos 

65 

VIII 

The  Spanish  Period,  1769-1822 

75 

IX 

The  Mission  System  .... 

87 

X 

The  Russians  in  California,  1812- 

t— 1 
OO 
4* 

103 

XI 

The  Mexican  Regime,  1822-1847  . 

hi 

XII 

Secularization  of  the  Missions  . 

130 

XIII 

Life  of  the  Californians 

144 

XIV 

John  A.  Sutter  . . .’  . 

156 

XV 

The  Coming  of  the  Americans 

164 

XVI 

Fremont  — the  Bear  Flag — 1846 

176 

XVII 

The  American  Conquest,  1846 

189 

XVIII 

The  Discovery  of  Gold,  1848 

209 

1 XIX 

Forty-Nine 

216 

XX 

The  Establishment  of  a Govern- 

fc.- . 

ment 

232 

CONTENTS 


CHAPTER 

PAGE 

XXI 

The  Struggle  for  Order  . 

243 

XXII 

The  Civil  War 

258 

XXIII 

The  Pacific  Railroad,  1869  . 

268 

XXIV 

The  Chinese 

283 

XXV 

Kearney  and  Kearneyism 

297 

XXVI 

The  Constitution  of  1879 

306 

XXVII 

Political  History  Since  1879 

318 

XXVIII 

The  Development  of  Natural 

Resources 

333 

XXIX 

Social  Progress 

345 

XXX 

The  Growth  of  the  Cities 

355 

APPENDIX 

Missions  and  Dates  of  Founding  . 

375 

Mission  Presidents  .... 

375 

Prefects  

376 

Governors  of  California 

377 

Governors  of  the  State 
Population  of  the  State  by  Dec- 

378 

ADES  •••••»• 

379 

INDEX 

38i 

ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 

“ The  Coming  of  Cabrillo  ” . . . . Frontispiece 

Map  of  California  made  in  1705 24 

Mission  of  Santa  Barbara 58 

Spanish  map  of  1787  showing  missions,  presidios, 

and  routes 80 

Plan  of  San  Juan  Capistrano  mission  . . . 100 

Monterey 156 

San  Francisco  in  1847 190 

Sutter’s  mill 210 

Map  of  1849  showing  overland  routes  . . . 218 

Mining  scene 226 

Front  Street,  Sacramento,  in  1850  ....  242 

Los  Angeles  in  1857 338 

San  Francisco  after  the  earthquake  and  fire  of  1906  370 

Map 381 


The  Story  of 
California 


CHAPTER  I 

CALIFORNIA  IN  1540 

T N the  year  1540  little  was  known  of  the  newly 
A discovered  continent  of  America.  Speculation 
took  the  place  of  accurate  knowledge  of  facts. 
Mexico  and  Central  America  had  been  subjugated 
and  to  some  extent  explored,  but  the  main  body 
of  the  northern  continent  was  almost  wholly  un- 
known. On  the  western  slope  of  the  vast  moun- 
tain range  which  divides  the  continent,  facing  the 
great  Pacific  Ocean,  what  is  now  the  state  of  Cali- 
fornia lay  asleep,  while  the  country  was  inhabited 
by  human  beings  low  in  the  scale  of  mankind. 

The  hills  and  valleys  of  California  were  more 
thickly  peopled  than  was  any  other  part  of  the 
continent.  The  number  of  Indians  at  that  time 
living  within  the  boundaries  of  the  present  state 
has  been  estimated  at  700,000,  but  they  were  in 
the  main  only  a mass  of  peoples  ranging  the 
country  without  center,  and  with  little  government 
or  control.  Except  in  the  northern  portion  of 

l 


2 


The  Story  of  California 

the  state,  there  were  not  even  tribes  in  the  ordi- 
nary meaning  of  the  term.  The  family  was  the 
nearest  approach  to  a social  unit,  and  each  family 
was  for  the  most  part  wholly  independent.  Even 
language  was  no  tie,  for  there  were  found  among 
them  many  tongues  and  a confusion  of  dialects 
which  set  at  defiance  the  efforts  of  the  ethnologists. 
Around  San  Francisco  Bay  alone  there  were  nine- 
teen languages  in  use.  Nor  did  war  bring  the  peo- 
ple into  contact  with  each  other  to  any  extent,  for 
war  was  by  most  of  them  sedulously  avoided. 

It  is  strange  and  so  far  inexplicable  that  there 
should  be  found  here,  surrounded  by  peoples  in 
a much  higher  position  in  the  human  scale,  a race 
so  little  above  the  brutes.  On  the  north  were 
numerous  tribes  of  hunters  and  traders;  to  the 
east  were  peoples  who,  because  of  their  activity 
and  courage,  have  won  from  the  white  man  the 
appellation  of  “ the  noble  savage;  ” southeast  of 
them  the  beginnings  of  a crude  civilization  had 
been  made;  and  to  the  south  lived  a race  which 
had  established  a civilization  which  had  made 
considerable  progress.  Yet  here  on  the  shores  of 
the  Pacific,  in  what  was  apparently  the  most  fa- 
vored situation  of  all,  there  was  a people  with 
little  coherence,  organization,  or  religion. 

The  California  Indians,  or  Diggers,*  are  not 
susceptible  of  division  into  tribes  for  separate  de- 

*The  name  “Digger”  was  a merited  term  of  reproach 
given  these  Indians  because  of  their  habit  of  digging  for  roots, 
which  formed  one  of  the  principal  articles  of  their  diet. 


3 


California  in  1540 

scription.  Their  general  characteristics  were  much 
the  same  all  over  the  territory  if  some  broad  dis- 
tinctions are  borne  in  mind.  There  was  a small 
district  at  the  northern  end  of  the  state  which 
was  inhabited  by  people  who  were  of  a higher 
type  than  those  of  the  remaining  districts  and  who 
were  more  closely  allied  to  the  Oregonians  than 
to  the  Californians  proper.  The  principal  tribes 
of  this  region  were  the  Klamaths,  Modocs,  and 
Shastas.  South  of  these,  occupying  the  central 
portion  of  the  state  as  far  south  as  Point  Con- 
cepcion, was  another  group,  the  lowest  of  all,  of 
which  the  Tehamas,  Ukiahs,  and  Petalumas  were 
principal  divisions.  While  these  names  may  be 
correctly  applied  to  certain  districts,  they  repre- 
sent no  unity  of  government.  The  people  of  this 
group  were  spread  over  the  country  in  innumerable 
rancherias  or  villages.  The  remaining  part  of 
the  state  was  inhabited  by  a third  group,  more 
highly  developed  than  the  second  though,  with 
two  exceptions,  inferior  to  the  northern  group. 
These  exceptions  were  the  Yumas,  who  lived  in 
the  extreme  southeastern  corner,  and  the  natives 
of  the  Santa  Barbara  Channel  and  its  islands.  In 
general,  these  divisions  are  really  more  geographi- 
cal than  ethnological. 

The  men  of  the  north  were  tall,  muscular,  and 
well  made;  the  women  shorter  and  of  good  form 
and  feature,  some  even  being  described  as  beauti- 
ful in  the  Caucasian  sense  of  the  word.  Their 


4 


The  Story  of  California 


color  was  a light  brown  and  their  hair  black  and 
straight.  The  central  group  were  very  tall  but 
ill  formed,  black  in  color,  and  of  ugly  features. 
The  southerners,  on  the  contrary,  were  of  aver- 
age height  or  perhaps  slightly  undersized,  well 
formed,  light  in  color  and  of  good  features.  The 
islanders,  who  constituted  but  a very  small  part 
of  the  total,  were  of  light  complexion  with  fair 
hair. 

The  hair  was  usually  worn  in  a queue,  but 
occasionally  loose  and  flowing.  Often  it  was 
adorned  with  oak  leaves,  feathers,  or  squirrel 
tails.  The  men  had  no  beards.  Climate  was  a 
much  more  important  factor  in  their  dress  than 
was  modesty,  the  men  as  a rule  finding  a belt  suf- 
ficient covering  in  warm  weather,  though  a breech- 
clout  was  sometimes  worn.  The  women  wore  an 
apron  of  braided  grass  which  hung  down  both 
front  and  back.  In  cold  weather  a favorite  dress 
was  a thick  coat  of  mud  covering  the  whole  body. 
This  garment  had  the  advantage  of  being  easily 
handled  and  readily  repaired,  and  it  served  as 
an  excellent  protection  against  the  cold.  In  the 
severest  weather  a half-tanned  deerskin  was 
wrapped  closely  around  the  body  as  an  additional 
shelter. 

Tattooing  to  a slight  extent  was  almost  uni- 
versal among  the  women,  the  principal  markings 
being  three  vertical  bands  on  the  chin.  These 
were  widened  as  the  lady  advanced  in  social  po$j- 


5 


California  in  1540 

tion,  the  width  being  also  in  proportion  to  the 
age.  In  some  of  the  tribes  the  men  decorated 
their  bodies  on  certain  occasions  with  broad  bands 
of  color.  This  custom  was  more  prevalent  in  the 
south  than  in  the  north.  A very  curious  custom 
which  prevailed  in  this  latter  portion  of  the  state 
was  that  of  grinding  the  teeth  down  to  the  level 
of  the  gums.  The  process  by  which  this  result 
was  obtained  is  as  much  a mystery  as  is  the  reason 
for  doing  it. 

The  dwelling  houses  of  these  strange  people 
were  much  the  same  throughout  the  state.  The 
first  step  in  their  construction  was  the  digging 
of  a hole  two  to  five  feet  in  depth  and  from 
ten  to  thirty  feet  in  diameter,  according  to  the 
size  of  the  family  whose  home  it  was  to  be. 
Around  this  excavation  long  poles  were  sunk  into 
the  ground,  and  after  they  were  firmly  fixed  were 
drawn  together  at  the  top  until  they  left  an  open- 
ing something  more  than  a foot  wide.  This  hole 
served  in  the  double  capacity  of  door  and  chimney. 
The  frame  thus  constructed  was  plastered  with 
mud  several  inches  thick.  Two  notched  poles  by 
which  the  door  was  reached,  one  inside  and  one 
out,  completed  the  erection  of  the  house.  Thus 
completed  and  dignified  by  the  name  wikiup  the 
dwelling  was  ready  for  occupancy.  In  addition 
to  this  type  of  house  the  Indians  of  the  Channel 
♦fee  Islands  used  larger  structures  thatched 
sith  tufe  for  council  lodges.  The  only  other 


G The  Story  of  California 

edifices  of  any  kind  known  to  the  California  abo- 
rigines were  the  temescal  and  the  very  rare  temple, 
both  of  which  are  described  on  another  page. 

In  pursuing  game,  the  native  of  California  pre- 
ferred the  snare  and  pitfall  to  the  bow  and  arrow. 
The  weapon  required  active  hunting;  the  traps 
could  be  constructed  when  the  spirit  moved  and 
left  to  do  their  work  while  the  owner  idled.  Deer 
and  small  game  were  the  only  objects  of  the 
hunter’s  feeble  efforts.  The  grizzly  bear  was  left 
religiously  alone  as  the  Indians,  with  good  reason, 
were  superstitious  about  interfering  with  him. 

Fishing  was  more  to  their  taste  than  hunting. 
Spearing  was  the  favorite  method,  and  this  was 
often  facilitated  by  the  construction  of  a dam 
in  which  were  small  openings  through  which  the 
fish  passed  on  their  way  up  the  stream.  A single 
watcher  at  one  of  these  holes  could  secure  a 
large  number  of  fish  in  an  hour.  Another  method 
was  fishing  from  a platform  built  over  the  lake 
or  stream  on  which  the  native  could  rest  or  sleep 
until  his  fish  was  hooked. 

Among  the  northern  Indians  and  those  along 
the  coast,  fish  was  the  principal  article  of  food. 
It  was  eaten  raw  or  nearly  so  during  the  sum- 
mer, and  large  quantities  were  dried  and  smoked 
for  winter  use.  Other  staple  foodstuffs  were 
acorns,  roots,  berries,  and  seeds.  All  these  were 
natural  products,  and  there  is  no  record  of  any 
instance  of  the  aborigines  tilling  the  soil  or  male- 


7 


California  in  1540 

ing  any  effort  to  stimulate  its  production.  A flour 
was  ground  from  acorns,  and  from  this  a crude 
bread  was  made  which  was  often  flavored  with 
berries.  To  this  frugal  menu  the  more  epicurean 
inhabitant  of  the  central  portion  of  the  state 
added  reptiles  and  insects.  Grasshoppers  were 
a delicacy  and  there  was  great  rejoicing  when  a 
dead  whale  was  washed  ashore.  The  southern 
Indian  displayed  even  a greater  catholicity  of 
taste  in  the  viands  which  supplied  his  board.  Coy- 
otes, skunks,  rats,  crows,  lizards  and  snakes,  as 
well  as  grasshoppers  and  other  insects,  were  on 
his  table. 

The  food  was  largely  gathered  as  well  as  pre- 
pared by  the  women,  who  were  the  servile  drudges 
of  the  families,  and  who  were  also  the  artisans, 
their  skill  in  weaving  grasses  and  tules  and  in 
tanning  deerskin  being  remarkable.  These  two 
simple  industries  provided  all  the  household  ne- 
cessities other  than  food,  for  all  the  clothing  and 
household  furniture  including  kitchen  equipment 
were  made  of  skins  or  woven  grasses.  The  num- 
ber of  wives  a man  had  therefore  was  the  measure 
of  his  wealth.  Polygamy  was  universal  in  the 
north. 

Marriage  was  a matter  of  business:  wives  were 
purchased  from  their  fathers,  and  their  social 
position  was  determined  by  the  price  which  was 
paid  for  them.  Even  after  marriage,  they  were 
bought  and  sold  like  any  other  commodity  with 


8 


The  Story  of  California 


the  result  that  the  old  and  wealthy  men  had  a 
monopoly  of  the  youth  and  beauty.  Among  the 
tribes  of  the  central  region  the  wishes  of  the 
bride  were  consulted  to  some  extent.  They  also 
had  a peculiar  custom  regarding  the  bride’s  fam- 
ily. When  a man  married  he  married  all  the 
sisters  of  his  bride,  and  if  her  mother  was  un- 
attached he  married  her  too.  There  was  no 
ceremony  of  marriage  nor  of  divorce  in  this  part 
of  the  state.  In  the  south,  the  chief  only  was 
allowed  more  than  one  wife.  Here  several  forms 
of  marriage  ceremony  prevailed,  all  of  which  were 
extremely  simple.  In  that  most  often  used  the 
bride  was  carried  by  her  father  to  the  house  of 
the  groom  and  left  by  his  side.  Divorce  was  a 
mere  matter  of  separation,  as  in  the  north. 

The  children  of  the  tribe  were  nominally  un- 
der the  control  of  the  chief.  Privation  and  absti- 
nence were  the  principal  lessons  sought  to  be  in- 
culcated, but  no  rigid  discipline  was  enforced,  and 
usually  the  teacher  employed  was  experience. 

The  aged  of  both  sexes  were  despised  and  fre- 
quently put  to  death  with  scant  ceremony,  this 
treatment  of  their  elders  being  more  frequently 
met  with  among  the  peoples  in  the  lower  part  of 
the  state  than  in  the  north. 

Slavery  existed  to  some  extent  among  the  north- 
ern tribes  but  was  rarely  met  with  elsewhere.  Here 
illegitimate  children  were  always  sold  as  slaves  and 


9 


California  in  154.0 

it  was  frequently  difficult  to  distinguish  between 
the  status  of  a wife  and  that  of  a female  slave. 

A wide  difference  was  noted  among  the  peoples 
of  the  various  sections  as  regards  the  leadership. 
In  the  north  the  wealthiest  man  was  most  power- 
ful and  hereditary  succession  was  unknown.  In 
the  central  portion  hereditary  succession  was  the 
rule,  though  frequently  disregarded.  In  the  south, 
on  the  other  hand,  custom  required  a rigid  ad- 
herence to  the  direct  line  and  in  default  of  a male 
heir  the  headship  could  be  held  by  a female.  At 
the  time  of  which  we  write  one  of  the  largest 
rancherias  of  the  Santa  Barbara  Channel  was 
ruled  by  a woman.  In  one  particular,  the  chief- 
taincy, as  far  as  it  could  be  called  such,  in  all  the 
districts  was  the  same;  it  represented  very  little 
power,  and  received  little  respect.  The  heads  of 
the  various  families  were  the  real  rulers  and  were 
practically  independent. 

With  so  little  central  authority  such  laws  as 
obtained  were  bound  to  be  very  laxly  enforced. 
In  the  north  a murderer  atoned  for  his  act  by  the 
payment  to  the  family  of  his  victim  of  a small 
sum  in  beads  or  shells.  Half  the  amount  neces- 
sary for  the  killing  of  a man  sufficed  in  the  case 
of  woman.  Occasionally  a murderer  was  ban- 
ished if  his  crimes  became  frequent,  but  capital 
punishment  was  never  resorted  to.  In  the  south 
greater  strictness  was  observed.  There  a mur- 
derer’s life  was  forfeited  to  the  relatives  of  the 


10 


The  Story  of  California 

deceased  unless  he  could  reach  a temple.  In  that 
event  we  find  a curious  analogy  to  the  old  me- 
dieval right  of  sanctuary,  for  there  his  life  was 
sacred  and  his  punishment  was  left  to  the  god. 
His  immunity  was  strictly  observed,  unless  he 
was  so  rash  as  to  stray  from  the  charmed  place 
in  search  of  food,  as  in  the  absence  of  any  in  the 
temple  he  was  apt  to  do.  It  was  then  thought 
that  he  had  escaped  from  the  wrath  of  the  god 
and  the  relatives  of  the  dead  man  if  they  chanced 
to  find  him  promptly  killed  him. 

After  sleeping  and  eating,  the  principal  amuse- 
ment of  this  primitive  people  was  gambling,  and 
there  was  nothing  at  which  they  would  stop  in 
placing  stakes.  Dancing  was  another  popular 
amusement,  and  both  sexes  indulged.  Their  fes- 
tivals began  with  dancing  and  speechmaking  and 
ended  in  the  wildest  debauches. 

Everywhere  the  most  prominent  characteristic 
was  laziness.  Marked  as  were  the  northerners  in 
this  respect  their  brethren  of  the  central  regions 
far  surpassed  them.  The  extent  of  the  laziness 
of  these  men  is  shown  in  their  aversion  even  to  such 
occupations  as  hunting  and  fishing.  Fighting  was 
avoided  whenever  possible. 

Naturally  filthiness  reigned  supreme  in  the  Cali- 
fornia rancherias.  Both  the  dwellings  and  the  per- 
sons of  their  inhabitants  abounded  in  vermin. 
When  the  collection  of  refuse  and  offal  in  their 
lodges  became  so  great  that  they  could  no  longer 


f 


California  in  16 40  11 

bear  it,  the  lodge  was  filled  with  dry  sticks  and 
burned  to  the  ground.  Another  was  then  built; 
often  on  the  same  spot. 

The  ravages  of  disease  were  most  severe; 
scrofula,  consumption  and  eye  diseases  caused  by 
the  smoky  lodges  being  the  principal  afflictions. 
Among  the  northern  Indians  many  of  the  physi- 
cians were  women.  Their  method  of  treatment 
consisted  in  wild  incantations  and  sucking  of  the 
afflicted  part.  In  the  central  and  southern  por- 
tions of  the  state,  however,  women  were  not  al- 
lowed to  act  as  physicians,  and  there  the  medicine 
men  exercised  a tremendous  influence.  In  the 
central  districts  they  labored  under  one  disad- 
vantage ; they  were  supposed  to  have  the  power  of 
life  and  death  over  their  patients,  and  if  one  of 
the  latter  died  his  relatives  frequently  killed  the 
physician.  Under  these  conditions  the  fees 
charged  for  medical  attention  were  enormous.  In 
the  south  the  medicine  man  was  more  secure,  for 
there  if  his  patient  died  it  was  attributed  to  the 
just  vengeance  of  the  god. 

The  principal  cure  for  all  diseases,  and  a course 
of  treatment  which  seems  to  have  been  resorted 
to  even  when  there  was  no  disease  present,  was 
that  of  the  temescal  or  sweathouse.  This  was 
the  largest  structure  in  the  village  and  was  devoid 
of  opening  except  for  a small  hole  near  the  ground 
which  was  used  as  an  entrance.  In  the  center  of 
this  edifice  a fire  was  built  and  here  congregated 


12 


The  Story  of  California 

as  many  of  the  men  as  could  work  their  way  into 
the  interior.  They  remained  until  human  endur- 
ance could  no  longer  stand  the  strain,  when  they 
bolted  out,  and  straightway  plunged  into  the 
nearby  stream.  No  women  except  those  who  had 
qualified  as  physicians  were  allowed  to  enter  the 
t ernes  cal. 

In  the  upper  part  of  the  territory,  the  bodies 
of  the  dead  were  buried  in  a manner  similar  to 
that  in  common  use  with  us  at  the  present  time, 
except  that  the  corpse  was  often  placed  in  a sit- 
ting instead  of  a recumbent  position.  In  the 
southern  portion  of  the  state,  however,  the  dead 
were  cremated  with  all  their  possessions.* 

Shells  formed  the  principal  medium  of  exchange 
among  this  primitive  people.  The  higher  de- 
nominations of  currency  were  supplied  by  scalps 
of  the  redheaded  woodpecker  and  by  white  deer- 
skins. These  latter  were  exceedingly  rare,  and  to 
possess  one  was  a mark  of  great  wealth. 

Most  of  the  northern  Indians  lived  on  or  near 
a body  of  water,  but  they  displayed  little  skill  in 
the  construction  of  water-craft.  While  crude  dug- 
outs  were  occasionally  met  with,  the  almost  uni- 
versal type  of  boat  used  in  this  region  consisted 
of  tules  securely  bound  together.  Astride  of  this 

* The  men  were  buried  in  one  cemetery,  the  women  in 
another.  A painted  pole  was  placed  over  each  grave.  The 
hair  of  a man  was  placed  above  his  grave  while  the  poles 
which  marked  the  graves  of  the  women  were  surmounted  ty 
grass  baskets. 


13 


California  in  1540 

the  boatman  took  his  seat,  sinking  it  below  the 
surface  and  propelling  it  by1  kicking  his  feet.  But 
little  progress  was  made  in  seamanship.  Even  the 
natives  around  the  beautiful  bay  of  San  Francisco 
had  nothing  better  in  the  way  of  boats  than  the 
tule  rafts  above  described.  Far  more  advanced  in 
the  art  of  boat-building  than  their  northern  neigh- 
bors were  the  Channel  Indians,  among  whom 
wooden  canoes  were  common.  They  were  con- 
structed of  long  planks  neatly  fastened  together, 
were  high  at  the  bow  and  stern,  and  in  some  in- 
stances as  much  as  twenty-four  feet  long  with  a 
carrying  capacity  of  ten  or  twelve  men  each. 

Basket  weaving  and  deerskin  tanning  were  al- 
most the  only  manufacturing  industries  and  these 
were  wholly  in  the  hands  of  the  women.*  The 
southern  group  added  to  these  the  making  of  fish- 
hooks, needles  of  bone,  and  cooking  utensils  of 
soapstone. 

The  California  Indian,  except  in  the  extreme 
south,  was  not  at  all  of  a warlike  disposition.  He 
fought  only  in  three  contingencies  — when  his 
neighbors  stole  his  women,  when  they  launched 
against  him  wicked  sorceries,  and  when  they 
dammed  up  the  stream  below  him  so  the  fish  could 
not  come  up  as  far  as  his  village.  For  these  griev- 
ances he  would  fight.  Ordinarily  the  men  of  the 

* Their  skill  in  the  former  art  is  well  exemplified  by  the 
fact  that  the  baskets  were  frequently  made  so  perfectly  as 
to  be  impervious  to  water. 


14 


The  Story  of  California 


tribe  spread  out  in  a long  single  line  facing  the 
enemy  and  pierced  the  air  with  demoniac  yells 
until  they  had  frightened  their  opponents  to  their 
own  satisfaction.  Occasionally  real  blows  were 
exchanged  and  bloodshed  ensued,  but  this  was 
avoided  whenever  possible.  In  the  south  the 
slightest  pretext  was  used  as  an  excuse  for  attack- 
ing a weaker  tribe  for  purposes  of  plunder.  In 
the  central  portion  of  the  state  war  was  entered 
upon  with  considerable  formality.  By  means  of 
heralds  a challenge  was  sent  to  the  enemy.  If 
it  was  accepted,  the  time  and  place  of  the  battle 
were  carefully  agreed  upon  and  the  combat  al- 
ways took  place  as  arranged,  the  warriors  exhibit- 
ing a comparatively  high  degree  of  courage  and 
meeting  death  or  torture  with  true  Indian  stoicism. 

While  the  bow  and  arrow  was  their  usual 
weapon  in  warfare,  they  resorted  often  to  the 
strategy  of  man-traps.  Across  a forest  path  deep 
holes  were  made  with  the  bottom  much  wider 
than  the  top  to  prevent  escape.  The  opening  was 
then  concealed  by  means  of  sticks  and  mud.  The 
initiated  were  warned  by  the  position  of  certain 
nearby  stones  but  the  enemy  was  easily  deceived. 
Once  in  the  trap  he  could  be  killed  at  leisure  — 
provided  he  escaped  falling  on  the  sharpened 
elk-horns  which  had  been  placed  directly  below 
the  opening.  To  these  means  of  disposing  of 
their  enemies  the  central  and  southern  Indians 
added  spearing  and  sometimes  clubbing.  They 


15 


California  in  1540 

also  had  a weapon  shaped  like  a scimeter  and 
edged  with  sharp  pieces  of  flint  or  obsidian. 

Quarter  was  seldom  asked  or  given,  and  if  it 
was  extended  it  was  only  for  the  purpose  of  sub- 
jecting the  captured  enemy  to  the  most  cruel  and 
excruciating  tortures  before  an  end  was  made 
of  him.  The  dead  were  sometimes  scalped  but 
more  commonly  decapitated.  Severed  hands  and 
feet  were  favorite  trophies  and  evidences  of 
prowess,  and  in  a few  districts  the  eyes  of  the 
slain  were  also  plucked  out  and  preserved.  The 
flesh  of  a vanquished  hero  of  renown  was  fre- 
quently eaten;  but  not  as  food,  as  is  ordinarily 
the  case  with  cannibals.  It  was  thought  that  by 
consuming  the  flesh  of  the  deceased  some  part 
of  his  strong  qualities  would  be  incorporated  into 
the  character  of  the  eater. 

It  was  only  among  the  southern  peoples  that 
anything  was  found  sufficiently  tangible  and  or- 
ganized to  be  designated  as  religion.  The  Chan- 
nel peoples  had  for  their  god  Chinigchinick,  whose 
temple,  an  oval  enclosure  about  fifteen  feet  across, 
was  in  the  center  of  the  village.  At  one  end  of 
this  was  erected  a second  enclosure  of  mats  and  at 
the  other  end  a third  of  small  stakes.  In  this 
space,  on  a hurdle,  was  seated  the  image  of  the 
god,  who  there  received  the  homage  of  his  wor- 
shippers and  enjoyed  in  silence  the  sacrifices  of 
birds  which  they  offered.  These  people  had  a 
vague  belief  in  a future  existence,  the  joys  of 


16 


The  Story  of  California 


which  were  pictured  in  a manner  very  similar  to 
those  of  the  Scandinavian  Valhalla.  This  belief 
probably  was  the  source  of  a strange  collection  of 
puerile  and  obscene  legends,  which  apparently 
formed  much  of  the  mental  life  of  these  abori- 
gines. 


CHAPTER  II 

EARLY  EXPLORATIONS — 1542-1602 

ON  a sunny  day  in  the  fall  of  1542  a young 
man  of  these  Indian  peoples  might  have  been 
seen  looking  for  stray  grasshoppers  on  the  great 
headland  which  forms  the  sea  wall  of  what  is  now 
San  Diego  Bay.  He  stopped  a moment  in  his 
search  and  gazed  seaward,  and  to  his  astonish- 
ment saw  far  away  on  the  horizon  white  specks 
the  like  of  which  he  had  never  seen  before.  He 
called  his  brothers  and  they  too  stood  in  awe. 
All  the  day  they  watched  as  the  white  spots  grew 
larger  and  nearer  until  finally  they  perceived  them 
to  be  great  canoes,  far  larger  than  any  they  had 
ever  seen  before,  and  filled  with  strange  beings 
whom  they  took  to  be  gods. 

September  28,  1542,  these  huge  canoes  came 
to  anchor  in  their  bay  and  many  of  the  strangers 
came  ashore.  The  young  man  and  his  brothers 
were  inclined  to  be  friendly  and  offered  food  to 
the  new  comers.  They  recalled  strange  tales  they 
had  heard  from  other  Indians  of  beings  like  these 
with  beards,  clothes,  and  armor,  armed  with  cross- 
bows and  mounted  on  horses. 

The  leader  of  this  little  company  of  Spanish 
17 


18 


The  Story  of  Cali  form  a 


adventurers  was  Juan  Rodriquez  Cabrillo.  He  had 
been  despatched  by  Hernando  Cortes,  Conquista- 
dor and  Gubernador  of  Mexico,  to  find  the  Strait 
of  Anian  or  follow  the  shore  along  to  India.  For 
Cortes  had  been  informed  that  the  Americas  were 
a group  of  islands  stretching  along  the  coast  of 
Asia,  and  that  his  own  Mexico  was  either  a pro- 
jection from  this  latter  continent  itself  or  was 
separated  therefrom  by  the  long  sought  Strait  of 
Anian  or  Northwest  Passage.  He  had  heard  of 
Magellan’s  feat  in  finding  one  opening  through 
this  chain  of  islands  when  he  discovered  in  1520 
the  straits  that  bear  his  name.  This  stimulated 
Cortes  to  an  enthusiastic  effort  to  discover  the 
northern  passage,  and  thus  add  to  his  already 
great  fame  as  an  explorer. 

Cabrillo  had  set  sail  from  Navidad  in  Mexico 
with  two  small  vessels,  the  San  Salvador  and  the 
Victoria,  on  June  27,  1542.  After  a toilsome 
journey  of  three  months  he  covered  a distance 
which  would  be  made  now  in  a few  weeks  by  even 
small  sailboats  and  came  as  we  have  seen,  under 
the  astonished  gaze  of  the  Californians. 

He  exchanged  gifts  with  the  friendly  natives 
at  San  Miguel,  as  he  called  San  Diego  Bay,  and 
then  sailed  away  again  to  carry  out  the  orders 
of  his  superior.  He  reached  Santa  Catalina  on 
October  6,  and  spent  a few  days  in  its  excellent 
harbor  to  repair  his  ships.  He  then  sailed  across 
to  San  Pedro  and  from  there  went  on  up  the 


19 


Early  Explorations 

coast  stopping  on  October  9 at  the  great  village 
of  the  Channel  Indians,  El  Pueblo  de  las  Canoas, 
near  the  site  of  the  present  Buenaventura.  The 
natives  called  the  town  Xuen  and  bestowed  the 
name  Taquimine  on  the  voyagers.  It  took  nearly 
five  weeks  more  to  reach  the  bay  of  Monterey 
which  they  entered  on  November  15.  As  they 
made  their  way  along  the  coast  they  knew  by 
the  “ great  signal  smokes  kindled  on  shore  ” that 
they  were  watched  closely  by  the  natives.  No- 
where, however,  did  they  encounter  any  hostile 
demonstration,  but  always  the  friendliest  treat- 
ment at  the  hands  of  the  aborigines. 

From  Monterey  Cabrillo  sailed  on  but  the  se- 
vere cold  of  the  oncoming  winter  drove  him  back 
to  the  Santa  Barbara  Islands,  where  he  died  on 
January  3,  1543,  from  the  effects  of  a broken 
shoulder  suffered  some  months  before.  Travel- 
ing by  sea  was  a hazardous  undertaking  for  a 
sound  man  in  those  days,  when  the  wretched  food 
and  water  were  so  bad  as  hardly  to  sustain  life, 
and  scurvy  was  almost  inevitable.  The  hardy  ex- 
plorer, under  the  added  burden  of  a broken 
shoulder,  was  unable  to  maintain  the  struggle 
longer  and  succumbed.  He  was  buried  on  one  of 
the  islands  of  the  Channel;  which  one  we  are  not 
sure. 

So  rests  in  an  unknown  grave  the  discoverer  of 
California.  For  Cabrillo  was  undoubtedly  the 
first  white  man  to  set  foot  upon  its  soil.  Three 


20 


The  Story  of  California 


years  previous  to  his  arrival,  Francisco  de  Ulloa 
sailed  to  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  California  and 
if  he  happened  to  have  been  there  on  a clear  day, 
could  have  seen  her  mountains  far  to  the  north. 
The  next  year  Hernando  de  Alarcon  explored 
the  Colorado  River  to  its  junction  with  the  Gila 
and  unquestionably  came  within  sight  of  the  pres- 
ent California.  Again  later  in  the  same  year, 
Melchior  Diaz,  traveling  by  land,  crossed  the 
Colorado  at  a point  sufficiently  far  to  the  north 
so  that  he  must  have  been  within  sight  of  her 
hills.  But  though  these  men  were  brave  ex- 
plorers and  performed  well  the  work  allotted  to 
them,  to  Cabrillo  must  remain  the  honor  of  be- 
ing the  first  actually  to  reach  and  set  foot  within 
the  borders  of  the  present  state. 

After  his  captain’s  death,  Bartolome  Ferrelo, 
the  second  in  command,  resolved  to  continue  the 
expedition  and  carry  out  the  instructions  of  the 
Gubernador.  He  sailed  as  far  north  as  what 
is  now  the  Oregon  line,  skirting  the  coast  closely 
but  missing  the  entrance  to  San  Francisco  Bay. 
This  was  as  far  as  the  present  expedition  was 
able  to  proceed  and  it  returned  to  Mexico  with- 
out accomplishing  either  of  its  objects,  the  dis- 
covery of  the  Strait  of  Anian  or  of  the  coast 
of  India. 

The  old  men  who  had  welcomed  Cabrillo  had 
died,  and  the  young  men  grown  old  before 
the  news  was  brought  to  them  of  another  sail  on 


21 


Early  Explorations 

the  horizon.  Those  that  remained  went  out 
on  the  point  again  day  after  day  and  watched 
it,  but  instead  of  coming  to  the  harbor  it  passed  by 
far  out  at  sea  and  faded  into  the  mists  of  the 
north.  The  year  was  1579  and  the  ship  they  saw 
was  the  Golden  Hind  in  which  the  English- 
man Francis  Drake  was  scouring  the  seven  seas 
and  availing  himself  of  every  chance  to  plunder 
Spanish  ships.  He  too  was  searching  for  Anian. 

Drake  followed  Ferrelo’s  course  as  far  north 
as  Cape  Mendocino  but  was  turned  back  by  the 
same  difficulties  which  had  baffled  his  predecessor 
— cold  and  stormy  weather.  He  entered  a bay 
somewhere  in  the  region  of  San  Francisco  and  for 
years  it  was  supposed  that  he  had  really  made 
that  harbor.  But  it  is  now  generally  conceded 
that  this  was  an  error  and  that  the  bay  in  which 
he  wintered  was  what  is  now  known  as  Sir  Francis 
Drake  Bay  about  thirty  miles  north  of  San  Fran- 
cisco. Some  writers  contend  that  it  was  neither  of 
these  but  Bodega  Bay  still  farther  to  the  north. 
Wherever  it  was,  he  landed,  and  named  the  en- 
tire country  “ New  Albion,”  taking  possession  in 
the  name  of  his  royal  sovereign,  Queen  Elizabeth. 

Five  years  more  elapsed  and  again  the  Indians 
were  called  forth  from  their  lodges  to  see  the 
white  man’s  sail.  This  time  it  came  from 
the  other  direction  but  did  not  touch  the  coast  of 
their  country  at  all.  It  was  a Spanish  galleon  un- 
der Francisco  Gali  on  its  way  from  the  far  off 


22 


The  Story  of  C aliform  a 


Philippine  Islands,  and  nearing  the  coast  of  Cali- 
fornia at  Cape  Mendocino,  was  working  it;s  way 
southward  to  Mexico,  her  commander  keeping 
her  as  close  to  the  shore  line  as  he  dared. 

Of  the  natives  who  had  received  Cabrillo,  prob- 
ably all  had  passed  on  to  thfeir  Indian  Valhalla 
before  another  sail  showed  its  gleam  off  the  Cali- 
fornia coast.  Eleven  years  later,  in  1595,  an- 
other Philippine  vessel,  the  San  Agustin,  under  Se- 
bastian Rodriguez  de  Carmenon,  appeared  and, 
more  unfortunate  than  her  predecessor,  ran 
aground  at  Point  Reyes.  She  lost  a part  of  her 
cargo  before  freeing  herself  but  beyond  this  noth- 
ing is  known  of  her  voyage.  There  is  something 
pathetic  in  the  sight  of  these  proud,  high-pooped 
galleons,  majestically  struggling  with  the  might 
of  the  waters,  making  headway  only  by  dint  of 
infinite  toil,  reeking  with  scurvy,  and  heavily  laden 
with  the  rich  wares  of  the  Orient  which  in  far 
away  Spain  they  would  offer  in  exchange  for 
gold,  passing  by  the  shores  of  California,  where 
lay  the  glittering  object  of  their  search  in  quan- 
tities immeasurable. 

A few  years  after  the  San  Agustin1  s mishap, 
Philip  III,  the  new  King  of  Spain,  issued  his  man- 
date that  the  entire  coast  of  California  be  care- 
fully searched  for  harbors  suitable  for  the  ves- 
sels of  this  now  fast  increasing  Philippine  trade. 
To  perform  this  service,  Don  Sebastian  Vizcaino 
was  despatched  from  Acapulco,  on  May  5,  1602. 


Early  Explorations 


23 


He  followed  very  much  the  itinerary  of  Cabrillo 
but  it  nowhere  appears  that  he  knew  of  the  pre- 
vious voyage  of  that  navigator.  He  touched  at 
San  Diego,  Avalon,  San  Pedro  and  Monterey; 
and  named  the  Coronado  Islands,  Santa  Catalina 
and  San  Clemente.  Vizcaino  accomplished  no 
more  in  the  actual  acquisition  of  information  than 
Cabrillo,  but  his  voyage  was  of  more  permanent 
value  because  a careful  and  detailed  record  was 
kept. 

In  spite  of  the  eagerness  of  Philip  to  find  har- 
bors on  the  coast  of  California,  nothing  whatever 
was  done  to  follow  up  the  work  of  Vizcaino.  For 
1 66  years  no  Spanish  vessel  touched  this  coast. 
During  this  period  there  was  a curious  stagnation 
in  New  Spain  due  to  the  rapidly  waning  power 
of  the  mother  country  which  had  shrunk  to  a 
shadow  of  its  former  greatness.  California 
slumbered;  its  people  dozing  through  an  indolent 
existence,  undisturbed  by  any  untoward  event, 
while  the  memory  of  the  visits  of  Cabrillo,  Drake 
and  Vizcaino  faded  into  vague  traditions  which 
were  given  new  life  and  currency  from  generation 
to  generation  by  the  infrequent  appearance  of  the 
sail  of  a Philippine  galleon  that  had  run  out  of 
its  course. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  here  the  almost  end- 
less discussion  which  has  taken  place  as  to  the 
origin  of  the  name  California.  Most  school  chil- 
dren are  familiar  with  its  alleged  formation  from 


24 


The  Story  of  California 


two  Spanish  or  Latin  words  meaning  “ hot  fur- 
nace but  unfortunately  for  the  theory  that  this 
is  the  true  derivation,  it  must  be  remembered  that 
to  the  early  Spaniards  who  first  used  the  name  in 
connection  with  the  country,  California  was  not  a 
hot  country  but,  in  comparison  with  those  through 
which  they  had  come  to  reach  it,  a cold  one. 
While  we  frequently  read  in  the  accounts  of  early 
travelers  of  their  suffering  from  the  cold,  we 
never  find  any  allusion  to  the  heat. 

The  name  first  appears  in  the  written  records 
as  applied  to  Lower  (Baja)  California  in  Pre- 
ciado’s  diary  of  Ulloa’s  trip  down  the  coast  of 
that  peninsula  in  1539.  But  it  is  used  there  as 
if  it  were  already  in  common  use  and  it  is  prob- 
able that  it  was  first  given  to  this  country  by  Cortes 
or  some  of  his  followers  either  at  Santa  Cruz  or 
La  Paz  between  1535  and  1537.  The  Conquista- 
dor and  his  men  were  unquestionably  acquainted 
with  Las  Sergas  de  Esplandian,  a novel  written  by 
Ordonez  de  Montalvo,  the  translator  of  Amadis 
of  Gaid,  and  purporting  to  be  the  recital  of  the 
adventures  of  the  son  of  Amadis.  This  book 
was  extremely  popular  in  Spain  just  previous  to 
this  time,  running  through  five  Spanish  editions  be- 
tween 1510  and  1526.  In  the  course  of  this 
story  a mythical  “ California  ” is  described,  an 
island  “ on  the  right  hand  of  the  Indies,  very  close 
to  the  terrestrial  Paradise.”  It  is  peopled  by 
black  women  of  the  nature  of  Amazons.  Tbe'r 


MAP  OF  CALIFORNIA  MADE  IN  1705,  SHOWING  IT  AS  AN  ISLAND 


Early  Explorations 


25 


island  is  the  strongest  in  the  world;  their  arms 
of  gold;  wild  beasts  and  griffins  they  have  tamed 
to  serve  for  horses.  There  is  no  metal  but  gold 
in  their  whole  wonderful  island.* 

Surely  this  fabled  land  “ close  to  the  terrestrial 
Paradise  ” resembled  little  enough  the  barren 
waste  of  Lower  California  at  the  time  of  the  ar- 
rival of  the  Spaniards.  How  then  came  the  name 
of  this  country  of  many  blessings  to  be  bestowed 
on  this  unpromising  land?  To  assist  in  answering 
this  question,  mention  must  be  made  of  another 
of  the  theories  of  derivation  — that  the  name 
California  was  a corruption  of  an  Indian  name  for 
the  whole  country  or  a part  of  it.  It  seems  that 
there  was  a portion  of  the  country  which  in  one 
of  the  innumerable  dialects  bore  a name  which 
sounds  very  like  “ California.”  It  is  possible  then 
that  these  rough  adventurers  landing  in  this  coun- 
try whose  landscape  as  far  as  the  eye  could  see 
was  naught  but  stones  and  desert  brush,  and  put- 
ting a question  to  a few  terrified  natives  received 
this  name  for  answer.  And  that  one  of  these  sol- 
diers, perhaps  with  a well  worn  copy  of  the  Sergas 
in  his  pocket,  boisterously  seized  upon  the  resem- 
blance of  words  and  with  broad  sarcasm  pointed 
out  to  his  companions  this  sorry  waste  as  the  fabled 

* For  the  rediscovery  of  this  long-forgotten  novel,  and 
the  consequent  answer  to  the  much  mooted  question  of  the 
derivation  of  the  name  of  their  state,  the  people  of  California 
are  indebted  to  Edward  Everett  Hale. 


26 


The  Story  of  California 


“ California.”  That  the  name  came  to  us  from 
the  Sergas  is  quite  probable,  but  the  precise  man- 
ner in  which  it  came  to  be  applied  to  the  parts  of 
our  country  which  now  bear  it,  must  always  re- 
main a matter  of  conjecture. 


CHAPTER  III 

OCCUPATION  BY  THE  SPANISH 1 769 

'T'HE  humble  race  of  Californians,  or  at  least 
A that  portion  living  about  the  Bay  of  San 
Diego,  was  again  awakened  from  its  long  undis- 
turbed lethargy  by  the  appearance  on  April  n, 
1769,  of  another  vessel.  This  time  it  was  the  San 
Antonio,  under  the  command  of  Juan  Perez,  a 
Majorcan  who  had  been  in  command  of  a Manila 
galleon.  He  brought  his  ship  to  anchor  in  the 
bay,  and  on  that  day  the  first  European  settlers 
landed  who  came  to  make  a permanent  home  in 
California. 

To  understand  the  origin  of  this  expedition  it 
is  necessary  for  us  to  go  back  a little  in  time  and 
many  miles  to  the  southward  in  distance.  Dur- 
ing the  century  and  a half  which  had  passed  so 
quietly  for  California  of  the  north,  the  Spaniards 
had  been  colonizing,  improving,  and  organizing 
all  parts  of  Mexico.  One  feature  of  this  progress 
was  the  establishment  of  numerous  missions  for 
the  conversion  and  education  of  the  natives.  Two 
large  Catholic  orders,  the  Jesuits  and  the  Fran- 
ciscans, had  taken  charge  of  this  work.  The  lat- 
ter had  several  missions  on  the  mainland  while 
the  former  had  established  a chain  of  these  relig- 

27 


28 


The  Story  of  California 

ious  and  educational  institutions  along  the  penin- 
sula of  Baja  or  Lower  California. 

In  the  year  1767  the  growing  agitation  in 
Europe  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Jesuit  order  re- 
sulted in  the  king  of  Spain  sending  instructions 
to  the  Mexican  authorities  to  sequester  the  hold- 
ings of  this  order  in  the  peninsula  and  turn  them 
over  bodily  to  the  Franciscans,  who  were  thought 
to  be  more  tractable  and  obedient  to  the  civil 
authority. 

The  Order  of  Saint  Francis,  as  the  Franciscans 
were  officially  designated,  was  founded  by  Francis 
of  Assisi  at  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury. In  1210  he  had  eleven  followers  and  drew 
up  a set  of  rules  for  their  guidance.  After  much 
hesitation  Pope  Innocent  III  approved  the  order 
later  in  the  same  year.  Nine  years  later  the  first 
general  assembly  was  held  and  over  five  thousand 
members  attended.  The  Franciscans  were  sworn 
to  various  forms  of  the  strictest  self-denial  which 
they  carried  to  the  point  of  asceticism.  They  were 
mendicants,  it  being  contrary  to  the  rules  of  their 
order  for  them  to  own  property  either  individ- 
ually or  as  a body.  Their  main  work  was  prosely- 
ting, and  this  was  carried  on  not  only  among  the 
unreligious  in  Europe  but  the  utmost  zeal  was 
exhibited  in  preaching  the  message  of  the  church 
to  the  heathen  in  the  remotest  corners  of  the 
earth. 

They  were  men  of  this  type  who  had  succeeded 


Occupation  by  the  Spanish  29 

to  the  work  of  the  missions  of  Baja  California 
and  also  to  the  plans  of  Father  Kino,  one  of  the 
greatest  of  their  Jesuit  predecessors,  to  extend  the 
mission  chain  as  far  north  as  Cape  Mendocino. 
Toward  the  realization  of  this  great  dream,  Kino 
had  never  been  able  to  make  even  the  first  step. 
The  Franciscans  were  more  fortunate.  The  year 
after  the  Jesuits  were  ousted,  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment, fearing  the  occupation  of  this  northern  coun- 
try by  the  Russians  wrho  were  working  their  way 
across  Bering  Strait  and  down  the  coast  of  North 
America,  ordered  the  occupation  of  Alta  Cali- 
fornia. 

This  occupation  was  to  be  threefold  in  char- 
acter— religious,  military,  and  civil.  The  agency 
of  the  religious  invasion  was  the  mission;  that  of 
the  military,  the  presidio;  that  of  the  civil,  the 
pueblo.  To  the  great  good  fortune  of  California 
the  execution  of  this  plan  was  intrusted  to  Jose  de 
Galvez,  the  Royal  Visitador  of  Mexico,  who, 
though  he  never  set  foot  on  California  soil,  might 
be  called  one  of  the  greatest  of  her  pioneers.  He 
entered  into  the  plans  for  the  preparation  of  the 
expedition  with  the  warmest  enthusiasm,  watched 
over  all  its  details  personally,  and  to  him  is  due  in 
greatest  measure  the  credit  for  its  success. 

The  expedition  was  to  travel  to  the  new  coun- 
try in  four  divisions,  two  by  land  and  two  by  sea. 
Gaspar  de  Portola  was  placed  in  command  as  mili- 
tary and  civil  governor,  and  Junipero  Serra  as 


30 


The  Story  of  California 


Father-President  of  the  Franciscans.  All  of  the 
missions  of  Lower  California  were  called  upon  to 
contribute  their  proportion  of  supplies  and  equip- 
ment for  the  new  establishments.  These  included 
besides  the  vestments  and  church  furnishings  for 
two  mission  churches,  200  cattle,  140  horses, 
forty-six  mules  and  two  asses. 

The  first  of  the  four  divisions  to  arrive  was 
the  party  in  the  ship  San  Antonio.  She  had  left 
San  Lucas,  the  point  of  departure  for  the  sea  ex- 
peditions, in  February,  1769,  after  solemn  re- 
ligious services  and  a parting  address  from  the 
Visitador.  On  board  were  the  friars  Juan  Viz- 
caino and  Francisco  Gomez,  a few  carpenters  and 
blacksmiths,  and  a miscellaneous  cargo  of  sup- 
plies. The  voyage  to  San  Diego  consumed  only 
a few  weeks  and  was  in  other  respects  accom- 
panied by  good  fortune.  The  San  Antonio  sailed 
by  San  Diego  without  her  captain  knowing  it  and 
went  as  far  north  as  the  Santa  Barbara  Islands 
before  the  mistake  was  discovered.  The  return 
to  San  Diego  was  made  without  mishap.  The 
expedition  was  kindly  received  by  the  natives. 

The  San  Carlos  bearing  the  second  sea  division, 
though  she  left  San  Lucas  several  weeks  before 
her  consort,  did  not  have  the  same  good  fortune 
and  was  no  days  making  the  trip.  She  arrived 
eighteen  days  after  the  San  Antonio.  The  con- 
dition of  those  on  board,  was  pitiful.  Watercasks 
had  leaked,  the  remaining  water  spoiled  and 


Occupation  by  the  Spanish  31 

made  easy  the  course  of  the  scurvy  which  worked 
sad  havoc  among  the  members  of  the  crew.  With- 
in a few  days  after  her  arrival  over  two-thirds  of 
her  company  who  had  left  San  Lucas  had  per- 
ished from  disease. 

Her  commander,  Vicente  Vilas,  had  been  given 
written  orders  to  establish  the  Catholic  faith,  ex- 
tend the  Spanish  domain  and  to  check  the  “ am- 
bitious schemes  of  foreign  nations.”  Had  there 
been  any  active  expression  of  these  “ ambitious 
schemes  ” to  contend  with  it  is  to  be  feared  Vilas 
would  have  experienced  much  difficulty  in  carry- 
ing out  this  portion  of  his  instructions  in  spite  of 
the  fact  that  “ no  excuse  was  to  be  taken  for 
failure.”  Another  clause  of  these  instructions 
is  of  interest  as  illustrating  the  spirit  which 
prompted  the  men  in  charge  of  the  whole  move- 
ment : any  outrage  upon  the  natives  was  to  meet 
with  the  most  condign  punishment. 

May  14  saw  the  arrival  of  Rivera  y Moncada 
with  the  first  land  division.  This  consisted  of 
twenty-five  soldiers  and  about  ten  others.  They 
had  endured  severe  hardships  on  their  journey, 
but  had  come  through  in  much  better  health  than 
those  who  traveled  by  sea.  Rivera  immediately 
took  charge  and  during  the  six  weeks  which  elapsed 
before  the  arrival  of  the  remaining  division,  made 
preparations  for  the  settlement.  He  selected  for 
their  camp  a site  on  high  ground  in  what  is  now 
North  San  Diego.  Huts  for  the  men  and  cor- 


32  The  Story  of  California 

rals  for  the  animals  were  constructed  and  a sub- 
stantial village  had  sprung  up  by  the  time  of 
Portola’s  arrival. 

This  memorable  reunion  of  the  whole  party, 
which  marked  the  accomplishment  of  the  pur- 
pose of  the  expedition,  occurred  on  July  i,  1769. 
Portola  himself  had  pushed  on  ahead  with  a 
small  bodyguard  and  arrived  two  days  before. 
His  section  of  the  expedition,  consisting  of  about 
twenty-five,  had  had  a comparatively  easy  journey, 
losing  none  of  its  members  by  death,  and  having 
only  one  serious  accident  to  contend  with.  The 
second  day  out  Father  Serra  became  so  lame  from 
an  ulcer  on  his  leg  that  he  could  walk  no  further, 
and  it  was  necessary  to  carry  him  on  a litter.  Even 
then  he  could  not  endure  the  pain  and  insisted  on 
one  of  the  muleteers  applying  the  same  remedy 
which  he  would  have  used  if  his  mule  had  been 
similarly  afflicted.  This  was  done  and  the  next 
morning  the  good  man  arose  so  much  better  in 
health  that  he  made  the  remainder  of  the  journey 
on  foot  without  difficulty. 

Sunday,  July  2,  was  celebrated  with  thanksgiv- 
ing. That  done,  preparations  were  immediately 
commenced  for  the  permanent  disposition  of  the 
settlers.  The  first  step  in  this  direction  was  to 
care  for  the  sick  and  bury  the  dead  which  num- 
bered thirty-one  out  of  about  225  who  had  started 
on  the  expedition.  This  sad  duty  finished,  Perez 
sailed  away  in  the  San  Antonio  for  San  Lucas  for 


Occupation  by  the  Spanish  33 

supplies  and  more  sailors.  On  the  fourteenth, 
Portola  left  for  the  north  and  Monterey,  leaving 
at  San  Diego  about  forty  men,  including  the  sick. 

Sunday,  July  1 6,  saw  the  founding  by  Father 
Serra  of  California’s  first  mission.  With  the 
solemn  ceremonies  attendant  upon  this  event  and 
the  dedication  of  the  new  establishment  to  San 
Diego  de  Alcala,  began  the  period  of  Spanish 
dominion  in  California  which  after  a sway  of  half 
a century  was  to  give  place  to  that  of  Mexico, 
which  in  its  turn,  and  but  a quarter  of  a century 
later  must  bow  before  the  onsweeping  tide  which 
carried  the  sovereignty  of  the  United  States  to 
the  shores  of  the  Pacific.  At  this  time  the  United 
States  was  yet  unborn;  but  on  the  far  eastern 
coast  of  the  continent  events  were  moving  rapidly 
to  the  climax  which  brought  on  the  War  of  Inde- 
pendence. 

Portola’s  party  consisted  of  about  sixty-four 
men,  including  soldiers,  priests,  Indians  and  serv- 
ants. Among  the  priests  was  numbered  Father 
Juan  Crespi,  who  kept  an  accurate  daily  journal  of 
the  entire  trip.  The  route  followed  at  the  start 
was  practically  that  of  the  stage  road  which  later 
ran  from  San  Diego  to  Los  Angeles.  In  the 
neighborhood  of  what  is  now  called  the  Santa  Ana 
River  the  party  experienced  a series  of  severe 
earthquakes.  On  their  arrival  at  the  river  they 
had  named  it,  after  the  custom  of  their  people 
to  distinguish  everything  with  a name  of  great 


34 


The  Story  of  California 

length,  El  Rio  del  Dulcissimo  Nomhre  de  Jesus 
— “ The  River  of  the  Sweetest  Name  of  Jesus.” 
After  the  earthquakes  they  deemed  it  necessary 
to  further  distinguish  this  particular  river,  so  its 
already  lengthy  name  was  extended  to  El  Rio  del 
Dulcissimo  Nomhre  de  Jesus  de  los  Temblores  — 
“ of  the  Earthquakes.” 

This  stream  being  now  sufficiently  named  they 
passed  on  to  the  region  of  the  present  city  of  Los 
Angeles.  The  river  here  was  named  Porciuncula, 
after  a little  stream  in  Italy  near  the  home  of 
Saint  Francis.  The  Indian  village  on  its  banks, 
called  by  the  natives  Yang-na,  they  renamed  for 
the  feast  day  on  which  they  arrived,  Nuestra  Se- 
ll ora  de  Los  Angeles — “Our  Lady  of  the 
Angels.”  From  here  the  party  made  its  way  north 
through  the  San  Fernando  valley  to  the  Santa 
Clara  River,  stopping  at  the  largest  of  the  Indian 
villages  which  they  called  Asuncion  and  whose  site 
was  to  become  in  later  years  the  location  of  the 
city  of  Ventura.  Following  the  coast  of  the  Santa 
Barbara  Channel  they  passed  through  many  native 
rancherias  and  arrived  at  the  Santa  Lucia  Moun- 
tains on  the  20th  of  September.  The  difficulties  of 
the  journey  were  becoming  daily  more  severe.  All 
suffered  from  the  cold  and  many  were  ill  with  the 
scurvy. 

In  spite  of  hardships  they  pushed  on  and  ten 
days  later  passed  Point  Pinos  and  stood  on  the 
shores  of  Monterey  Bay.  For  some  reason  over 


Occupation  bp  the  Spanish  35 

which  there  has  been  much  dispute,  but  probably 
because  of  the  season  of  the  year  they  did  not 
recognize  it.  All  of  the  earlier  writers  had  de- 
scribed it  as  a wonderful  sheltered  harbor  into 
which  ran  a large  river,  the  Salinas.  In  the  open 
roadstead  before  them  Portola’s  men  could  see 
nothing  which  answered  this  description.  Palou 
writes,  “ At  Point  Pinos  there  is  no  port,  nor  have 
we  seen  in  all  our  journey  a country  more  deso- 
late than  this,  a people  more  rude,  Sebastian  Viz- 
caino to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.”  He  was 
inclined  to  the  belief  that  the  harbor  of  Vizcaino 
and  the  early  explorers  had  been  filled  up  with 
sand. 

In  spite  of  the  bitter  disappointment  he  expe- 
rienced in  failing  to  find  Monterey  Bay  where  he 
expected  it,  Portola  resolved  to  push  on  in  the  face 
of  any  hardships  and  to  continue  the  search.  On 
October  31  they  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  San 
Francisco  Bay,  where  they  encamped.  A few  days 
later  some  of  the  men  who  were  hunting  deer 
climbed  the  hills  to  the  eastward  and  looked  out 
upon  the  waters  of  the  great  harbor  itself.  The 
names  of  these  common  soldiers  under  the  com- 
mand of  Portola  we  do  not  know,  and  to  his  name 
goes  the  honor  of  being  the  discoverer  of  San 
Francisco  Bay,  for  so  far  as  is  known  men  of  his 
party  were  the  first  Europeans  who  ever  saw  its 
waters. 

While  the  discovery  of  such  a harbor  was  an 


36 


The  Story  of  California 

event  of  vast  importance  to  later  generations  and 
gave  the  discoverer  much  prestige  among  those 
who  lived  on  its  shores  a century  and  a half  later, 
it  contributed  nothing  to  the  wants  of  the  inner 
man  at  the  time  of  the  discovery,  and  without 
doubt  the  worthy  Portola  and  his  men  were  far 
less  elated  by  their  discovery  than  they  were  cast 
down  by  the  knowledge  that  their  provisions  were 
nearly  exhausted  and  that  the  promised  relief  ship, 
the  San  Jose,  had  not  been  sighted.  With  sad- 
dened and  discouraged  hearts  they  started  south- 
ward on  November  n.  It  took  them  twenty-six 
days  to  reach  Monterey  Bay  and  still  they  failed 
to  recognize  it.  This  time  however  they  marked 
the  spot  where  they  supposed  it  ought  to  have 
been  by  erecting  a cross  on  the  shore  of  the  bay 
and  leaving  at  its  base  a message  for  the  com- 
mander of  the  San  Jose,  should  that  vessel  arrive 
after  their  departure. 

The  members  of  the  party,  almost  dead  from 
exhaustion,  reached  San  Diego  January  24,  but 
found  nothing  to  cheer  them.  There  were  no 
signs  of  progress  except  a few  more  mud  huts. 
Eight  men  had  died.  No  Indians  had  been  con- 
verted. 

The  reverses  were  too  much  for  Portola,  who 
felt  that  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  further 
delay  or  effort  and  ordered  that  the  whole  project 
be  abandoned  and  that  the  return  to  Mexico  com- 
mence on  the  20th  of  March.  This  brought  a 


Occupation  by  the  Spanish  37 

violent  outburst  from  Father  Serra,  who  saw 
what  he  believed  would  prove  the  flower  of  his 
life  work  thus  about  to  be  crushed  jn  the  very 
bud.  He  protested  and  refused  to  leave,  but  the 
governor  was  obdurate  and  insisted  on  the  depart- 
ure unless  the  relief  ship  should  arrive  before  the 
day  set. 

Human  agencies  being  of  no  avail  in  saving  his 
cherished  project  Serra  and  the  other  friars  spent 
the  remaining  few  days  in  prayer  to  Heaven  for 
relief.  March  19  dawned  and  still  no  vessel 
appeared.  The  start  must  be  made  on  the  mor- 
row. All  day  the  fathers  eagerly  scanned  the 
horizon  and  just  at  sunset  saw  a glimmer  of 
white  far  to  the  west.  It  was  a sail  and  the  expe- 
dition was  saved. 

The  ship  was  the  San  Antonio  which  the  re- 
doubtable Perez  had  again  brought  through.  A 
peculiar  chain  of  events  had  occurred  to  bring  her 
to  San  Diego  in  the  nick  of  time.  She  had  started 
under  instructions  to  proceed  to  Monterey  to  meet 
Portola  there.  While  at  anchor  in  the  Santa 
Barbara  Channel  for  the  purpose  of  refilling  her 
water  casks,  her  commander  had  been  informed 
by  the  Indians  that  the  land  party  had  already 
returned  to  the  south;  but  the  orders  were  to  pro- 
ceed to  Monterey,  so,  in  spite  of  this  intelligence, 
he  again  set  out  for  that  port.  The  loss  of  an 
anchor  almost  immediately  afterward,  however, 
made  it  necessary  for  him  to  return  to  San  Diego, 


38 


The  Story  of  California 


where  he  arrived  as  if  in  miraculous  answer  to 
the  prayers  of  the  friars. 

The  arrival  of  supplies  and  more  men,  put  new 
hope  into  the  workers  who  were  already  on  the 
ground.  The  moribund  settlement  sprang  into 
renewed  activity.  The  construction  of  houses  and 
other  buildings  was  commenced  and  the  work  of 
establishing  a permanent  colony  began  in  earnest. 

Even  Portola  felt  the  new  spirit.  Ele  departed 
a second  time  for  Monterey  on  April  17,  leav- 
ing twenty-eight  men  as  the  permanent  force  at 
San  Diego  to  convert  the  gentilidad , as  the  In- 
dians were  called.  Serra  had  left  for  the  same 
destination  the  day  before  in  the  San  Antonio. 
The  land  expedition  was  the  first  to  reach  Monte- 
rey, and  this  time  the  beautiful  bay  was  recog- 
nized. The  only  reasonable  explanation  for  the 
first  failure  to  find  this  bay,  and  its  later  recogni- 
tion seems  to  be  found  in  the  difference  in  seasons. 
The  early  explorers,  as  it  happened,  had  always 
described  the  bay  as  it  appeared  in  the  spring.  In 
the  dry  season  its  appearance  was  so  different  that 
Portola’s  men  could  see  no  resemblance  to  the 
descriptions. 

They  found  the  cross  which  they  had  left  on  the 
shore  of  the  bay  undisturbed  by  the  natives  but 
covered  with  arrows,  sticks,  fish,  and  other  Indian 
offerings  to  the  white  man’s  fetich.  They  had 
only  one  week  to  wait  before  the  San  Antonio 
dropped  her  anchor  in  the  bay  and  the  Father- 


39 


Occupation  by  the  Spanish 

President  camt  ashore.  On  June  3,  1770,  the 
double  ceremony  of  taking  formal  possession  of 
the  whole  country  by  Portola  in  the  name  of  His 
Majesty  Carlos  III,  King  of  Spain,  and  the  found- 
ing of  the  Mission  of  San  Carlos  Borromeo  de 
Monterey  by  Serra,  was  celebrated  with  all  the 
solemnity  possible  under  the  circumstances.  Serra 
had  won  California  for  Spain  and  the  Franciscans. 


CHAPTER  IV 

JUNIPERO  SERRA 1713-1784 

CCORDING  to  Emerson,  “ an  institution  is 


the  lengthened  shadow  of  one  man.”  In  the 
case  of  the  missions,  and  in  fact  the  entire  Spanish 
regime,  in  Alta  California,  the  man  whose  length- 
ened shadow  they  were  was  Junipero  Serra.  As 
has  already  been  seen,  it  was  his  tenacity  which  had 
delayed  the  departure  of  the  great  fourfold  expe- 
dition from  returning  to  Mexico  until  the  relief 
ship  was  in  sight.  In  a similar,  though  not  in  so 
striking  a manner,  it  was  his  tremendous  person- 
ality which  was  the  guiding  power  and  the  impel- 
ling force  which  were  to  change  California  from  a 
lounging  ground  of  benighted  beings  into  the 
home  for  a time  of  happy,  prosperous  communi- 


Miguel Jose  Serra  was  born  of  lowly  parents  at 
Petra  in  the  island  of  Majorca,  November  24, 
1713.  As  a boy  he  exhibited  a strong  tendency 
to  the  thoughtful  consideration  of  religious  mat- 
ters, and  at  the  age  of  sixteen  he  became  a novice 
of  the  Franciscan  order.  It  was  at  the  time  of 
his  induction  into  this  order  that  he  took  the  name 
“ Iiytipero  ” and  so  caused  the  good  padre  to 


ties 


Jumpero  Serra 


41 


remark,  “ would  that  I had  a whole  forest  of  such 
junipers!  ” While  studying  in  the  convent  in  Ma- 
jorca he  formed  an  intimate  friendship  with  three 
other  young  friars,  Palou,  Verger  and  Crespi. 

Serra  was  the  most  brilliant  of  the  four  and 
there  was  conferred  upon  him  the  degree  of  Doc- 
tor of  Theology.  His  success  in  the  pulpit  was 
phenomenal  for  one  of  his  age.  He  often  height- 
ened the  effect  of  his  fervid  orations  by  beating 
his  breast  with  a sharp  stone  or  dashing  against 
it  a burning  torch.  His  fame  spread  rapidly.  He' 
was  successful  in  all  he  undertook.  The  path  to 
honor  and  fortune  lay  broad  before  him. 

But  his  heart  was  not  so  inclined.  Far  back  in 
his  earnest  youth  he  had  determined  to  make  the 
new  world  his  field.  He  believed  that  there  were 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  poor  savages  before 
whose  feet  yawned  the  fiery  chasm  of  hell.  To 
carry  the  gospel  to  these  unfortunates  and  thus 
save  their  otherwise  doomed  souls  became  with 
him  a passion.  He  would  not  stay  to  receive  the 
empty  plaudits  of  the  civilized  world  and  leave 
this  noble  labor  to  the  efforts  of  some  half-hearted 
priest. 

In  a transport  of  joy  he  received  word  that  per- 
mission had  been  granted  him  to  join  a party  of 
missionaries  leaving  Cadiz  for  Mexico  in  1749. 
The  voyage  occupied  ninety-nine  days,  after  which 
the  friars  were  landed  at  Vera  Cruz.  From  here 
they  set  out  for  the  College  of  San  Fernando  in 


42 


The  Story  of  California 


Mexico  City.  Horses  were  provided  for  this 
journey  of  300  miles,  but  Serra  begged  and  ob- 
tained leave  to  walk,  as  a matter  of  self-discipline. 
On  this  journey  a little  incident  occurred  which, 
though  small  in  itself,  played  an  important  part 
in  Serra’s  after  life.  He  was  severely  bitten  on 
the  leg  by  mosquitoes  and  scratched  the  bites. 
Because  of  prolonged  neglect  properly  to  care  for 
it  the  wound  ulcerated  and  became  a constant 
source  of  pain,  and,  but  for  the  muleteer’s  oint- 
ment, and  his  own  indomitable  will,  must  have 
put  an  end  to  the  journey  from  Mexico  to 
California. 

Though  never  free  from  pain  he  accepted  the 
affliction  bravely  as  a part  of  his  cross,  consider- 
ing it  as  a heaven  sent  instrument  of  discipline. 
In  the  early  part  of  his  journey  from  Vera  Cruz 
to  Mexico  when  the  ulcer  began  to  pain  him  it 
affected  his  spirits  not  at  all,  and  he  became  more 
and  more  elated  as  he  felt  that  he  was  nearing 
the  long-cherished  goal.  Arrived  there  however 
he  found  this  goal  receding  before  him  and  still 
many  years  away.  He  worked  at  the  college  for 
nineteen  years  before  his  opportunity  finally  came. 
This  long  delay  was  indeed  a sore  trial  to  the 
zealous  proselyter,  for  he  believed  that  all  the 
time  he  was  delayed  there  were  every  year  hun- 
dreds dying  whose  souls  would  be  lost  because 
he  had  not  been  able  to  bring  to  them  the  salva- 
tion of  his  church. 


J uni  per  o Serra 


43 


He  had  reached  the  age  of  fifty-six  years  when 
the  order  finally  came  which  placed  him  as  Father- 
President  at  the  head  of  the  religious  work  of  the 
expedition  which  was  to  occupy  Alta  California 
for  Spain.  Under  him  were  to  be  sixteen  mission- 
aries to  assist  in  the  work  of  converting  the 
heathen. 

It  was  characteristic  of  the  man  that  when  the 
time  came  for  him  to  choose  whether  he  would 
go  by  land  .or  water  he  elected  the  land  journey 
though  that  would  necessitate  the  enduring  of 
much  greater  hardships.  During  all  the  years  in 
Mexico  he  had  made  no  attempt  to  cure  the  ulcer 
on  his  leg,  and  the  toilsome  exertion  of  traveling 
by  foot  irritated  the  injury  until  the  pain  was  even 
greater  than  Father  Serra  with  all  his  fortitude 
could  bear. 

His  relief  from  this  suffering  by  the  application 
of  the  muleteer’s  herbs  strengthened  the  Padre’s 
belief  that  he  was  under  the  especial  protection  of 
Heaven.  But  this  belief  never  led  him  to  con- 
sider that  he  was  better  or  greater  than  his  com- 
panions. His  joy  was  always  as  great  at  their 
success  as  at  his  own.  On  the  other  hand,  he 
always  deemed  himself  a poor  tool  in  the  hands 
of  Providence  for  the  carrying  out  of  the  divine 
plan.  He  affected  extreme  humility  and  shunned 
all  honors  except  those  that  were  thrust  upon 
him.  Earthly  honors  were  to  him  empty  baubles. 
The  only  thing  worth  living  for  was  religious  duty, 


44 


The  Story  of  California 


but  this  duty  must,  in  order  to  be  truly  praise- 
worthy, be  done  in  a Franciscan  way.  And  here 
appears  the  narrow  limitation  of  the  man’s  vision. 
To  so  great  a soul  impeded  by  a restricted  intel- 
lectual outlook,  the  term  fanatic  is  peculiarly  appli- 
cable. An  incident  which  occurred  in  1776  aptly 
illustrates  this.  There  came  to  him  a rumor  of 
an  expected  attack  by  Indians.  His  heart  was 
filled  with  joy  at  the  thought  of  possible  martyr- 
dom ; at  the  prospect  of  his  own  death  at  the  hands 
of  the  savages.  Fortunately  he  controlled  his 
feelings  sufficiently  to  send  to  Monterey  for  troops 
and  avert  what  would  have  been  a real  disaster 
for  California. 

It  was  this  rigid  adherence  to  the  methods  of 
action  which  seemed  best  to  him  that  led  him  to 
quarrel  with  almost  every  civil  ruler  of  California 
with  whom  he  came  in  contact.  Nothing  was 
allowed  to  encroach  in  the  slightest  on  the  Fran- 
ciscans, or  their  own  methods  of  converting  the 
heathen,  and  one  after  another,  Fages,  Rivera, 
and  De  Neve,  successive  governors  of  California, 
felt  the  heat  of  his  jealousy,  and  the  tremendous 
power  which  he  possessed  of  making  it  felt.  While 
realizing  that  Serra  is  probably  not  entirely  free 
from  blame  in  these  dissensions,  at  the  same  time 
we  shall  materially  discount  the  statements  of 
De  Neve  that  he  employed  “ unspeakable  artifice 
and  shrewdness  ” in  his  dealings  with  the  civil 
authority,  and  that  steps  must  be  taken  to  bring 


Junipero  Serra  45 

“ this  president  to  a proper  acknowledgment  of 
the  authority  which  he  eludes  while  pretending  to 
obey.” 

That  he  was  not  entirely  guileless  is  shown  by 
some  of  the  petitions  in  his  memorial  to  Gov- 
ernor Bucareli  of  Mexico,  which  embraced  thirty- 
two  requests  for  the  betterment  of  the  conditions 
of  the  mission  establishments.  The  memorial 
asked  for  a doubling  of  the  size  of  the  guard  at 
each  mission,  the  Father-President  planning  in  this 
way  to  secure  sufficient  soldiers  for  the  establish- 
ment of  an  equal  number  of  new  missions  with  a 
guard  of  the  original  size.  It  must  be  noted, 
however,  that  his  craftiness  was  always  employed 
for  what  he  believed  to  be  the  best  interests  of 
the  religious  institutions  under  his  care,  and  never 
for  his  own  benefit. 

While  Serra  did  not  omit  the  employment  of 
shrewd  tactics  for  the  attainment  of  his  purposes, 
he  was  indefatigable  in  the  realm  of  straightfor- 
ward hard  work.  His  triumphant  faith  and  mili- 
tant spirit  carried  all  before  them.  His  refusal 
to  obey  the  orders  of  Portola  for  the  abandon- 
ment of  San  Diego  Mission  is  typical  of  the 
whole  spirit  of  the  man’s  life.  Embarking  on  the 
great  labor  of  his  life  at  the  age  of  fifty-six,  he 
endured  the  struggle  and  hardship  uncomplain- 
ingly for  fifteen  long  years  afterwards.  Palou, 
his  friend  and  biographer,  writes  of  him:  “ For 
him  no  difficulty  was  too  great,  no  hardship  too 


46 


The  Story  of  California 


intense.  His  courage  failed  not  in  the  face  of 
dangers  which  would  have  appalled  others;  his 
sublime  faith  removed  monuments  of  perplexity 
and  inspired  his  loyal  band.” 

But  no  statement  of  the  characteristics  of  the 
man  can  bring  out  his  true  self  so  vividly  as  a 
brief  glance  at  the  work  he  undertook  and  prose- 
cuted to  a successful  issue.  He  went  to  an  abso- 
lutely uncivilized  country.  He  was  a pioneer  in 
almost  every  branch  of  civilization.  He  must  hew 
trees,  saw  lumber,  make  bricks;  he  must  be  his 
own  architect,  contractor  and  builder;  he  must 
train  men  not  only  in  the  methods  of  labor  but 
also  in  the  habit  of  labor  itself.  And  the  raw 
material  of  which  he  must  first  make  men  and  then 
Christians  was  of  the  lowest  order  of  mankind, 
whose  language  was  unknown  to  him  and  for 
whom  there  were  no  interpreters. 

The  cross  as  an  instrument  of  conquest  is  one  of 
the  most  powerful  in  the  world’s  history.  In  the 
hands  of  Serra  it  was  such  indeed.  For  his  royal 
master  the  impelling  motive  of  the  expedition  to 
California  was  avarice,  but  for  Fray  Junipero  it 
was  propagandism,  the  saving  of  myriad  unen- 
lightened souls. 

Richman  calls  Serra  “ a new-world  Francis  of 
Assisi,  post-medieval,  yet  not  belated  for  his  task; 
beholder  of  visions,  believer  in  miracles,  merciless 
wi elder  of  the  penitential  scourge.” 

Such  was  this  invincible  personality  under 


Jumper  o Serra  47 

whose  guidance  the  missions  of  California  came 
into  being.  Whatever  of  glory  or  grandeur  is 
theirs,  and  there  is  much  of  both,  is  in  a larger 
measure  his;  for  his  was  the  ideal  of  which  they 
were  the  real;  he  was  the  man  of  whom  they  were 
the  lengthened  shadow. 

Serra  took  part  personally  in  the  founding  of 
nine  missions  and  remained  Father-President  over 
them  all  until  his  death.  At  the  age  of  seventy 
years  and  when  in  feeble  health,  he  made  the 
journey  on  foot  from  Monterey  to  San  Diego, 
visiting  all  the  intervening  missions  and  villages. 
Such  was  the  love  of  this  man  for  his  work.  The 
love  for  him  of  those  whom  he  had  befriended  was 
no  less,  and  at  his  death  hundreds  of  mourning 
neophytes  heaped  flowers  on  the  coffin  of  their 
beloved  teacher. 


CHAPTER  V 


THE  FOUNDING  OF  THE  MISSIONS 

T T is  a noticeable  fact  that  all  of  the  Spanish  ex- 
* plorers,  though  they  were  as  a rule  rough  men 
of  an  adventurous  type,  were  very  observant  of 
the  forms  of  the  Catholic  religion.  It  is  recorded 
that  during  Vizcaino’s  voyage  it  was  the  first  duty 
of  the  sailors  whenever  they  landed  to  erect  a 
church  tent  for  the  friars.  This  is  indicative  of 
the  tremendous  domination  which  the  church  exer- 
cised over  the  minds  of  the  whole  Spanish  people. 
And  its  sway  was  no  less  undisputed  over  the 
officers  of  the  government. 

As  has  been  stated,  the  plan  of  occupation  of 
Alta  California  was  threefold,  with  the  religious 
establishments  considered  the  most  important 
feature.  Within  two  weeks  after  the  junction  of 
the  four  parties  constituting  the  first  expedition 
at  San  Diego,  the  mission  there  was  formally 
established.  About  a year  later,  when  Portola 
and  Serra  had  finally  located  Monterey,  the  cere- 
monies of  taking  possession  of  the  country  for 
the  King  of  Spain  and  of  founding  the  Mission  of 
San  Carlos  took  place  on  the  same  day. 

The  ceremonies  which  marked  the  founding  of 
a mission  were  simple  and  practically  the  same  at 

48 


The  Founding  of  the  Missions  49 


all  of  the  establishments.  An  enramada,  or  bower 
of  branches,  was  first  constructed.  Small  bells 
were  either  swung  from  the  branches  of  trees  or  a 
simple  frame  was  erected  for  them.  A cross  was 
raised  in  front  of  the  bower  and  an  image  of  the 
virgin  was  set  on  the  altar.  These  received  the 
blessing  of  the  priest,  which  completed  the  prepa- 
rations. The  service  began  with  the  ringing  of  the 
mission  bells  to  summon  the  nearby  natives. 
Father  Jumpero  then  donned  his  alb  and  stole  and 
all  present  remained  on  their  knees  while  the  V eni 
Creator  Spiritus  was  chanted.  Mass  was  said 
amid  the  roar  of  cannon  and  musketry,  the  latter 
demonstration  invariably  frightening  away  the 
natives  whose  curiosity  had  brought  them  to  the 
spot.  A sermon  was  then  preached  by  which,  in 
Serra’s  own  words,  it  was  “ hoped  to  put  to  flight 
all  the  hosts  of  Hell  and  subject  to  the  mild  yoke 
of  our  holy  faith  the  barbarity  ” of  the  Indians. 

Recovering  rapidly  from  their  first  fright  at 
the  firing  of  the  muskets,  the  natives  showed  no 
signs  of  timidity.  They  gathered  in  large  num- 
bers to  receive  the  gifts  of  the  new  comers.  The 
gifts  which  they  sought  were  those  material  rather 
than  those  spiritual,  however,  and  the  friars  were 
prepared  to  supply  their  material  wants.  They 
had  brought  quantities  of  beads  and  other  trinkets 
as  presents.  If  a plentiful  supply  of  these  was 
not  forthcoming  the  natives  were  prone  to  as- 
sist the  friars  in  getting  the  desired  objects 


50 


The  Story  of  California 

into  native  hands  by  confiscating  what  they  liked 
most.  They  were  adroit  thieves  as  well  as  impor- 
tunate beggars. 

Though  eagerly  accepting  the  beads  and  trink- 
ets the  natives  did  not  see  fit  to  confine  themselves 
to  the  receipt  of  these  alone.  The  small  force  at 
San  Diego  found  it  exceedingly  difficult  to  watch 
them  in  order  to  prevent  their  depredations  and 
at  the  same  time  to  care  for  their  own  sick. 
Conditions  went  from  bad  to  worse,  both  sides 
growing  more  determined,  the  soldiers  and  friars 
finding  it  necessary  to  resort  to  physical  means  to 
prevent  the  total  loss  of  their  property,  and  the  In- 
dians also  resorting  to  force  in  their  attempts 
to  get  it.  At  last  blood  was  shed.  Three  Indians 
and  one  white  boy  were  killed.  After  this  the 
natives  became  more  circumspect  and  the  mission- 
aries erected  a stockade  around  their  buildings. 
These  measures  overcame  the  trouble  from  thiev- 
ing but  effectively  stopped  for  the  time  all  progress 
in  religious  matters,  and  no  native  was  baptized 
at  this  mission  for  over  a year. 

The  experience  at  San  Diego,  while  not  exactly 
duplicated  at  the  other  missions,  was  typical  of  the 
occurrences  at  all,  and  it  took  many  months  of 
hard  and  painstaking  labor  to  bring  in  a sufficient 
number  of  neophytes  to  carry  on  the  work  neces- 
sary to  maintain  the  establishments  in  such  a man- 
ner as  to  make  those  in  charge  feel  that  they  were 
really  permament. 


51 


The  Founding  of  the  Missions 

After  a year’s  labor  at  San  Diego  and  a second 
year  spent  at  Monterey,  Father  Serra  felt  that 
the  time  had  come  for  the  extension  of  the  sys- 
tem and  early  in  July,  1771,  he  set  out  from 
Monterey  with  about  a dozen  men  to  found  the 
Mission  of  San  Antonio  de  Padua,  which  was  ac- 
complished on  July  14,  with  the  customary  cere- 
monies. The  natives  here  were  more  tractable 
than  at  San  Diego  or  Monterey  and  soon  came  to 
the  mission  in  large  numbers.  The  first  baptism 
was  celebrated  August  14,  just  a month  after  the 
founding. 

On  his  return  to  Monterey,  Serra  ordered  the 
removal  of  the  Mission  San  Carlos.  Ostensibly 
this  was  done  to  secure  a location  on  more  favor- 
able ground,  but  in  reality  it  was  to  get  away  from 
the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  presidio.  Already 
there  began  to  be  felt  the  first  throes  of  the  long 
drawn  out  struggle  between  the  religious  and  the 
civil-military  authorities.  The  conduct  of  the  sol- 
diers toward  the  Indian  women  was  a fruitful 
source  of  trouble  between  the  two  powers. 

At  the  founding  of  the  next  mission,  that  of 
San  Gabriel,  Father  Serra  was  not  present  owing 
to  the  failure  of  Lieutenant  Fages,  (between 
whom  and  the  Father-President  antagonism  was 
already  beginning  to  ripen  into  enmity)  to  notify 
him  in  time.  San  Gabriel  Arcangel  was  founded 
on  September  8,  1771,  on  the  banks  of  the  Santa 
Ana  River,  from  which  location  it  was  later  moved 


52 


The  Story  of  California 


to  the  present  situation  because  of  the  danger  from 
the  spring  floods.  The  Indians  in  this  region 
made  hostile  demonstrations  at  the  approach  of 
the  friars,  but  at  sight  of  a picture  of  the  Vir- 
gin Mary  they  fell  down  and  worshipped.  After 
this  they  flocked  to  the  mission  in  great  numbers 
and  the  experience  of  San  Diego  was  repeated. 
The  trouble  here  was  undoubtedly  aggravated  by 
the  conduct  of  the  soldiers,  on  whom  Serra  places 
the  blame  for  the  whole  matter,  and  who  he  tes- 
tifies were  guilty  of  riding  into  the  Indian  rancher- 
ias  and  lassoing  the  native  women. 

The  growing  rancor  between  the  friars  and 
the  soldiery  and  the  desire  to  make  more  secure 
the  position  of  the  former,  led  Father  Serra  to 
undertake  a journey  to  Mexico  for  a personal 
interview  with  the  authorities  there.  He  started 
late  in  August,  1772,  to  make  the  journey  over- 
land to  San  Diego,  stopping  on  the  way  to  found 
the  Mission  of  San  Luis  Obispo  de  Tolosa  in  the 
midst  of  a large  friendly  Indian  population.  He 
sailed  from  San  Diego  for  Mexico  on  October 
20.  His  purpose  was  threefold : first,  to  secure  the 
removal  of  Fages,  the  military  commander,  with 
whom  he  constantly  quarrelled;  second,  to  secure 
concessions  for  the  work  at  the  missions;  third, 
to  become  acquainted  with  the  new  governor, 
Bucareli.  The  journey  consumed  much  more  time 
than  he  had  expected  for  he  was  taken  so  ill  at 
Guadalajara  that  the  sacrament  for  the  dying 


The  Founding  of  the  Missions  53 

was  administered  in  despair  of  his  recovery.  After 
accomplishing  his  mission  he  was  further  detained 
by  a request  to  prepare  a full  report  on  the  state 
of  the  Alta  California  Missions.  The  delay  wa9 
fully  compensated  for  however  by  his  success  in 
accomplishing  his  purposes.  Fages  was  succeeded 
by  Rivera  y Moncada,  a close  friend  of  the  Fa- 
ther-President; many  of  his  requests  as  to  the  mis- 
sions were  granted,  such  as  the  right  to  have 
refractory  soldiers  removed,  the  prompt  delivery 
of  the  mission  mails,  and,  more  important  than 
any  of  the  others,  a more  systematic  method  of 
furnishing  supplies  by  means  of  relief  ships.  He 
found  Bucareli  an  enthusiastic  supporter  of  the 
missions  and  left  him  their  firm  friend. 

At  this  time  an  event  took  place  of  much 
importance  to  the  missionaries.  The  chain  of  mis- 
sions in  Baja  California  was  turned  over  to  the 
Dominican  Order.  This  order  had  long  been 
demanding  a division  of  the  Mexican  missions 
and,  as  the  Alta  California  establishments  were 
not  considered  of  any  importance,  they  had  asked 
for  half  of  the  Baja  California  chain.  Great  was 
their  surprise  when  the  Franciscans  suddenly 
agreed  to  give  up  to  them  all  the  Baja  missions. 
The  Dominicans  were  thus  satisfied  because  they 
received  more  than  they  had  ever  asked  for  and 
the  Franciscans  were  content  to  have  the  complete 
control  of  the  Alta  missions  whose  far  greater 
importance  they  already  recognized. 


54 


The  Story  of  California 

One  of  the  beneficial  results  of  this  transfer 
was  the  arrival  of  Francisco  Palou  in  Alta  Cali- 
fornia to  take  up  the  work  there.  He  was  one 
of  the  three  schoolmates  of  the  Father-President, 
who  had  come  to  America  with  him  years  before. 
He  had  been  president  of  the  Baja  missions  and 
the  transfer  to  the  Dominicans  left  him  free  to 
join  Serra  in  the  northern  work.  Palou  after- 
wards became  Serra’s  biographer  and  one  of  Cali- 
fornia’s earliest  historians. 

After  Serra’s  return  from  Mexico,  the  work 
of  extension  was  taken  up  with  renewed  activity. 
October  30,  1775,  a party  under  Padre  Lasuen 
and  Lieutenant  Ortega  performed  the  service  ded- 
icatory of  San  Juan  Capistrano  Mission.  The 
next  day  however  came  the  terrible  news  of  the 
destruction  of  San  Diego  Mission  by  the  Indians, 
and  after  burying  the  bells  of  San  Juan  the  party 
hastened  to  return  to  the  scene  of  the  disaster. 

San  Diego  Mission  had  been  moved  back  sev- 
eral miles  into  the  interior  and  away  from  the 
presidio  probably  for  the  same  reason  that  San 
Carlos  was  moved.  Taking  advantage  of  this 
arrangement,  a great  force  of  natives  had  sur- 
rounded the  mission  and  opened  the  attack  at 
night.  The  church  and  vestry  were  first  robbed 
of  their  sacred  vessels  and  vestments,  and  all  the 
buildings  except  those  occupied  by  the  native  con- 
verts were  fired.  Friar  Jayme,  the  blacksmith, 
and  the  carpenter,  were  killed,  and  many  others 


The  Founding  of  the  Missions  55 

were  seriously  wounded.  The  neophytes  after 
the  disaster  were  loud  in  their  lamentations  at 
their  inability  to  render  assistance  because  as  they 
said,  guards  had  been  placed  at  their  doors  who 
had  forbidden  them  to  move  on  pain  of  death. 
There  was  however,  always  suspicion  that  some 
of  them  at  least  had  been  instrumental  in  instigat- 
ing the  attack.  When  the  news  was  taken  to 
Father  Serra  he  said:  “ Thanks  be  to  God;  that 
land  is  watered;  now  will  follow  the  conversion  of 
the  San  Diego  Indians.”  Because  of  this  lament- 
able outbreak  at  San  Diego  no  work  was  actually 
done  at  San  Juan  Capistrano  until  November 
first  of  the  following  year,  when  Serra  himself  was 
present,  and  blessed  the  new  establishment. 

About  this  time  there  set  out  from  Tubac  in 
Mexico,  a party  of  settlers  under  Captain  Juan 
Bautista  de  Anza.  The  people  of  this  party  had 
been  assembled  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  a set- 
tlement in  the  region  of  San  Francisco  Bay,  where 
a mission  and  presidio  were  to  be  established. 
Anza  was  ordered  to  take  this  party  overland  by 
a hitherto  unexplored  route  through  what  is  now 
southern  Arizona,  the  Imperial  Valley  and  the 
Coachella  Valley.  They  left  the  Coachella  Val- 
ley by  the  San  Carlos  Pass;  made  their  way 
through  the  Hemet  Valley  and  by  San  Jacinto 
Lake  to  the  Santa  Ana  River  and  San  Gabriel  Mis- 
sion where  they  arrived  on  January  4,  1776,  after 
suffering  intensely  from  the  cold  and  the  lack  of 


56 


The  Story  of  California 


water.  After  a short  stop  at  San  Gabriel  the  ex- 
pedition pushed  on  to  Monterey  where  it  arrived 
March  io.  The  commandant,  Rivera,  was  at 
Monterey  and  a slight  misunderstanding  of  some 
sort  occurred  between  him  and  Anza  which  delayed 
the  departure  for  San  Francisco  and  caused  Anza 
to  return  to  Mexico  very  soon  after  his  arrival  at 
the  bay,  and  before  anything  permanent  had  been 
done.  After  Anza  left,  Rivera  ordered  his  lieu- 
tenant, Moraga,  to  proceed  to  San  Francisco  and 
begin  the  construction  of  the  presidio  but  nothing 
was  to  be  done  toward  establishing  a mission. 

Moraga  arrived  at  the  bay  June  27,  and  sites 
were  immediately  chosen  for  both  the  presidio  and 
the  mission.  One  month  later  Father  Palou 
blessed  the  first  building  as  a chapel.  The  friars 
proceeded  with  all  the  preparations  for  founding 
a mission,  but  there  was  no  consecration  because 
of  the  inexplicable  orders  of  Rivera  to  the  con- 
trary. Two  months  longer  they  waited  in  vain 
for  these  orders  to  be  countermanded  and  Moraga 
finally  took  the  responsibility  upon  himself  and 
San  Francisco  Mission  was  formally  dedicated 
October  9,  1776.  The  ceremonies  were  marked 
with  the  usual  firing  of  cannon  which  frightened 
away  for  days  the  natives  they  had  come  to  con- 
vert. The  news  was  at  once  carried  to  Rivera 
who,  to  the  relief  of  all  concerned  in  the  affair, 
approved  the  foundation.  It  is  probable  that  he 
had  been  as  anxious  as  anyone  to  proceed  with 


The  Founding  of  the  Missions  57 

the  founding,  but  through  some  fit  of  jealousy  had 
refused  to  order  it  done.  The  friars  at  San  Fran- 
cisco had  much  the  same  experience  with  the  thiev- 
ing of  the  natives  as  those  at  San  Diego,  and  it 
was  not  until  the  following  June  that  the  first 
neophyte  was  baptized.  This  mission  was  always 
the  most  backward  in  making  converts.  From 
all  points  of  view,  it  was  the  least  successful  of 
any  of  the  missions. 

Two  more  missions,  Santa  Clara  and  San  Buena- 
ventura, were  established  before  Serra’s  death, 
which  occurred  at  Monterey  August  28,  1784. 
While  he  had  been  the  great  leader  in  the  work 
of  founding  the  missions,  there  was  no  halt  at  his 
death.  He  was  deeply  mourned  by  both  friars 
and  neophytes  wherever  his  benign  influence  had 
made  itself  felt.  But  the  men  associated  with  him 
were  also  great  men  and  eminently  fitted  to  carry 
on  the  labors  which  their  master  had  left  to  them. 
Serra’s  old  friend  and  schoolmate,  Palou,  acted  as 
temporary  president  until  a permanent  successor 
was  appointed  in  the  person  of  Fermin  Francisco 
Lasuen  who  filled  the  office  of  Father-President 
for  nearly  twenty  years,  making  a record  for  him- 
self which  some  deem  greater  than  Serra’s,  and 
which  was  certainly  second  only  to  his  in  the 
annals  of  early  California  history. 

During  Serra’s  lifetime  there  had  been  estab- 
lished nine  missions.  The  end  of  the  eighteenth 
century  saw  eighteen;  and  with  the  founding  of 


58 


The  Story  of  California 

San  Francisco  Solano  in  1823,  the  total  number 
reached  twenty-one.  These  were  missions  proper, 
and  the  number  does  not  include  several  thriving 
establishments  such  as  San  Antonio  de  Pala,  Santa 
Ysabel,  and  Santa  Margarita,  which  were  operated 
as  branches  of  the  other  missions.  All  these 
institutions  had  been  established  and  the  whole 
country  brought  under  the  yoke  of  Spain  without 
expense  to  the  royal  treasury.  This  had  been  the 
understanding  at  the  beginning.  The  expense  had 
to  be  borne  by  private  parties,  and  this  led  to  the 
establishment  of  the  Pious  Fund,  the  record  of 
which  is  in  itself  an  interesting  phase  of  the  his- 
tory of  the  missions. 

The  Pious  Fund  consisted  of  money  and  prop- 
erty given  by  devout  Catholics  to  the  cause  of 
proselyting  the  California  Indians.  Father  Sal- 
vatierra,  one  of  the  most  famous  of  the  early 
Jesuit  fathers,  secured  the  first  contributions  to 
the  fund  in  1697,  gathering  over  fifty  thousand 
dollars.  By  1768,  the  aggregate  was  over  $1,273,- 
000,  and  yielded  an  annual  income  of  $50,000. 
It  was  invested  almost  entirely  in  land.  When 
the  Jesuits  were  expelled  from  Mexico,  the  fund 
was  turned  over  to  the  Franciscans  and  Domini- 
cans,  and  it  was  from  this  source  that  the  former 
derived  the  means  to  conduct  their  widespread 
activity  in  Alta  California.  Each  friar  in  charge 
of  a mission  had  a salary  of  $275  a year,  and  an 
additional  allowance  of  $400  for  traveling  ex- 


MISSION  OF  SANTA  BARBARA 


The  Founding  of  the  Missions  59 

penses.  Each  new  mission  as  it  was  established, 
received  from  the  fund  the  sum  of  $1,000  for 
equipment  and  vestments.  The  additional  sup- 
plies necessary  were  furnished  by  a general  levy 
on  the  older  establishments,  from  which  were 
drawn  horses,  mules,  cattle  and  other  livestock. 
While  as  a rule  the  amount  furnished  a new  mis- 
sion was  sufficient  for  its  needs,  a peculiar  stingi- 
ness was  noted  at  times.  For  instance  when  the 
three  missions  of  San  Gabriel,  San  Antonio,  and 
San  Buenaventura  were  projected,  it  was  deemed 
sufficient  to  send  three  hens  with  their  broods,  and 
one  rooster  for  the  three  missions. 

From  such  small  beginnings  the  twenty-one  mis- 
sion institutions  became  an  establishment  of  vast 
wealth,  owning  at  the  height  of  its  prosperity  over 
230,000  cattle,  nearly  40,000  horses  and  mules, 
and  about  300,000  head  of  smaller  livestock.  The 
grain  production  in  its  best  years  was  nearly  125,- 
000  bushels.  The  number  of  Indians  who  were 
baptized  is  recorded  as  88,240,  of  whom  as  many 
as  25,000  were  in  residence  at  the  missions  at  one 
time. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE  PRESIDIOS 

T N describing  the  tremendous  work  done  by  the 
A religious  element  in  the  Spanish  occupation, 
mention  has  occasionally  been  made  of  the  military 
forces.  The  number  of  soldiers  in  California  was 
at  no  time  large,  a few  men  being  considered  a suf- 
ficient guard  for  each  mission.  The  main  bodies 
of  troops,  also  few  in  number,  were  gathered  into 
the  presidios.  These  were  the  centers  of  military 
activity  as  the  missions  were  the  centers  of  relig- 
ious operations. 

The  work  of  the  military  branch  in  occupying 
the  country  had  very  little  of  the  military  element 
in  it.  California  was  not  conquered,  even  in  the 
sense  given  to  the  word  when  it  is  used  to  describe 
the  unresisted  march  of  an  army  of  Spanish  adven- 
turers through  the  territory  of  a simple  and  unwar- 
like people.  On  no  occasion  did  anything  that 
might  by  any  stretch  of  the  imagination  be  called 
a battle  or  even  a skirmish,  take  place.  The  near- 
est thing  to  it  was  the  attack  on  San  Diego  Mis- 
sion, whose  unfortunate  termination  has  already 
been  described.  The  Franciscans  “ conquered  ” 
California,  and  the  part  played  by  the  soldiery  was 
largely  that  of  laborers  and  police.  Their  prin- 

60 


The  Presidios 


61 


cipal  duties  consisted  in  inspiring  enough  fear  in 
the  native  breast  to  ward  off  any  incipient  attack, 
and  in  undertaking  punitive  expeditions  when 
thieving  and  desertion  became  too  frequent. 

Far  too  often  these  duties  were  so  extremely 
light  that  the  unoccupied  soldier  looked  about  him 
with  eyes  open  for  amusement.  Not  being  over- 
burdened with  religious  or  moral  scruples,  his 
efforts  to  entertain  himself  were  a constant  source 
of  irritation  and  discouragement  to  the  hard  work- 
ing friars.  The  Indian  women,  being  the  only 
representatives  of  their  sex  in  the  country,  were 
the  principal  objects  of  the  soldier’s  attentions.  In 
many  instances  the  Fathers  found  it  one  of  the 
most  difficult  parts  of  their  work  to  overcome  the 
evil  wrought  in  this  way. 

While  the  common  soldiers  furnished  much  to 
worry  the  priests  with  whom  they  came  in  direct 
contact,  their  commander,  or  comandante  as  he 
was  called,  was  often  in  hostilities  with  the  Father- 
President.  Especially  was  this  so  during  Serra’s 
time,  and  it  was  due  to  the  untiring  energy  with 
which  he  maintained  the  supremacy  of  the  relig- 
ious over  the  civil  and  military  branches,  and  to 
the  success  which  he  met  in  establishing  that 
supremacy  beyond  question,  that  his  successors 
found  their  tasks  in  this  direction  much  easier  of 
accomplishment. 

But  while  the  part  played  by  the  soldiers  was 
insignificant  and  it  may  well  be  doubted  whether 


62 


The  Story  of  California 

the  friars  would  not  have  succeeded  just  as  well 
or  better  without  their  presence,  nevertheless  the 
establishment  of  military  posts  was  part  of  the 
plan  of  occupation,  and  that  part  was  carried  out 
just  as  were  those  portions  of  the  plan  which  re* 
lated  to  the  missions.  California  was  divided 
into  four  military  districts,  each  to  have  its  pre- 
sidio, or  headquarters.  The  first  two  of  these 
were  founded  simultaneously  with  the  missions  — 
in  1769  at  San  Diego  and  at  Monterey  in  1770. 
The  presidio  at  San  Francisco  was  also  estab- 
lished at  the  same  time  as  its  mission  in  1776. 
The  fourth  of  the  military  posts,  that  at  Santa 
Barbara,  was  founded  in.  1782.  The  presidio  of 
Monterey  always  took  precedence  because  that 
town  was  the  seat  of  local  government,  the 
governor’s  residence  and  was  close  to  the  head- 
quarters of  the  Father-President  of  the  Missions 
at  San  Carlos. 

Much  the  same  ceremonies  marked  the  found- 
ing of  both  presidio  and  mission,  and  in  the  early 
days  they  resembled  each  other  in  outward  appear- 
ance. The  same  style  of  architecture  was  used 
and  of  course  the  same  materials  for  construc- 
tion. The  small  cannon  mounted  at  the  corners 
of  the  presidio,  and  the  constant  presence  of  sol- 
diers, alone  served  to  distinguish  it  from  its  more 
peaceful  neighbor.  As  the  years  passed,  however, 
the  difference  became  more  and  more  marked. 
While  the  mission  prospered  and  grew,  and  its 


The  Presidios 


63 


outward  appearance  put  on  the  aspect  of  gran- 
deur some  relics  of  which  still  remain,  the  presidio 
early  became  afflicted  with  a sort  of  dry  rot  and 
passed  from  a state  of  destitution  to  one  of  dilap- 
idation, and  from  that  to  utter  ruin.  The  obvious 
reason  for  this  was  that  the  missions  soon  became 
producers,  in  fact  for  many  years  were  the  only 
sources  of  supply  in  the  country,  while  the  presid- 
ios were  never  more  than  parasites,  and  having  no 
economic  value,  received  no  economic  support. 
Beside  this  innate  weakness,  they  were  afflicted 
from  another  source.  They  became  a sort  of 
public  works  for  the  support  of  officials,  who 
gleaned  for  themselves  whatever  profitings  came 
within  reach 

In  their  brightest  days  the  presidios  were  never 
able  to  resist  a real  attack,  and  in  the  land  of  the 
Apaches  would  soon  have  been  demolished;  but 
in  the  simple  and  peaceable  Californian  they 
served  to  inspire  a wholesome  fear  of  the  Span- 
iards which  was  seldom  forgotten. 

At  the  presidio  of  Monterey,  the  largest  of  the 
four,  there  were  only  eighty  men  and  several 
officers,  while  the  whole  force  in  the  province  in 
1800  was  372  men.  Ten  years  later  there  were 
forty  men.  Vancouver,  the  English  explorer,  was 
unable  to  understand  how  such  an  insignificant 
force  could  keep  so  large  a country  in  subjection. 
Governor  Borica  comforted  himself  in  a similar 
reflection,  with  the  thought  that  those  from  whom 


64 


The  Story  of  California. 

attack  might  be  expected  were  probably  ignorant 
of  the  weakness  of  the  defenses.  The  buildings 
were  no  sooner  completed  than  they  were  allowed 
to  run  down  and  become  so  dilapidated  as  to  defy 
repair.  Those  at  San  Diego  were  abandoned  and 
the  materials  used  to  build  huts  for  the  settlers 
between  1835  and  1840.  An  example  of  the 
meagre  support  these  institutions  were  tendered  is 
afforded  by  the  fact  that  no  pay  was  received  by 
any  Spanish  soldier  in  California  from  1810  to 
1820. 

There  was  one  military  establishment  in  the 
country  which  fared  somewhat  better  than  the 
presidios  for  a time.  This  was  Fort  San  Joaquin 
at  the  entrance  of  San  Francisco  Bay.  This 
defense,  completed  December  8,  1794,  was  in  the 
shape  of  a horseshoe  on  the  point  opposite  the 
Golden  Gate.  Its  adobe  walls  mounted  only  eight 
guns,  but  in  the  opinion  of  one  Spanish  commander 
it  was  strong  enough  to  prevent  any  vessel  from 
entering  the  port.  It  is  probable  that  when  this 
opinion  was  formed  the  fort  was  not  in  the  con- 
dition in  which  Kotzebue,  the  Russian  commander 
found  it,  for  when  he  sailed  into  the  bay  he  had  to 
lend  the  soldiers  of  the  fort  powder  with  which 
to  fire  a salute  in  his  honor. 


CHAPTER  VII 


THE  PUEBLOS 

'T'  HE  civil  occupation  fared  not  much  better  than 
the  military.  The  three-fold  plan  had  pro- 
vided for  the  settlement  of  the  new  country  by 
means  of  a number  of  pueblos  or  villages.  The 
plans  laid  out  for  these  pueblos  were  very  complete 
and  even  elaborate  on  paper,  but  they  were  never 
realized  in  fact.  A pueblo  grant  consisted  of 
four  square  leagues  of  land  in  a rectangular  tract. 
At  a suitable  place  near  the  center  of  this  tract 
the  plaza  or  common  was  to  be  laid  out,  always 
rectangular  in  form.  In  the  case  of  Los  Angeles 
this  plaza  was  about  200  by  300  feet  and  lay 
with  the  four  corners  to  the  cardinal  points  of  the 
compass.  The  streets  were  to  run  perpendicular 
to  its  side  “ so  that  no  street  would  be  swept  by 
the  winds.”  It  is  not  stated  by  what  means  the 
winds  were  to  be  confined  to  the  cardinal  points, 
and  it  is  quite  probable  that  there  existed  other 
and  better  reasons  for  this  arrangement.  The 
location  o£  the  plaza  having  been  decided  upon, 
the  remainder  of  the  grant  was  divided  into 
blocks  and  lots  for  residences  and  farming.  The 
public  buildings,  including  the  church,  were  to  be 
located  around  the  plaza,  and  the  courthouse  was 

65 


66  The  Story  of  California 

to  have  a position  of  honor  in  the  center.  The 
remaining  lots  were  to  be  apportioned  among 
the  pobladores  or  villagers. 

This  geographical  ideal  was  accompanied  by 
a no  less  pretentious  scheme  for  the  government 
of  the  pueblo  after  its  establishment.  The  legis- 
lative body,  called  the  ayuntamiento,  was  to  con- 
sist of  fifteen  judges,  attorneys,  and  others.  The 
titular  head  of  the  government  was  to  be  the 
comisionado.  There  were  also  to  be  various 
under-officers  to  lend  dignity  and  provide  the 
completeness  of  outward  form  so  necessary  to 
the  Spanish  mind.  These  officials  were  at  first 
to  be  appointed  by  the  comandante  but  later  were 
to  be  elected  by  the  citizens.  It  was  the  purpose 
of  the  projectors  to  gather  the  Indians  into  these 
towns  in  order  the  more  rapidly  to  civilize  them. 
The  actual  conditions  at  the  pueblos  will  disclose 
the  wisdom  of  this  plan.  It  is  interesting  to  note 
that  Rivera  was  especially  instructed  to  exercise 
extreme  caution  in  avoiding  defects  at  the  begin- 
ning of  these  towns  as  they  might  grow  to  be 
great  cities. 

The  settlers  who  formed  the  citizenship  of  the 
colonies  received  a house  lot,  a tract  of  farm  land, 
the  use  of  the  common  pasture,  and  a loan  of 
stock  and  the  necessary  implements  and  seed  to  set 
them  up  as  colonists.  The  stock  consisted  of  a 
yoke  of  oxen,  two  horses,  two  cows,  two  sheep, 
two  goats,  and  a mule.  This  loan  was  to  be  repaid 


The  Pueblos 


67 


in  products  of  the  soil  at  the  end  of  the  year. 
Until  the  settler  was  established  on  a self-support- 
ing basis,  he  also  received  the  equivalent  of  ten 
dollars  a month  and  soldiers’  rations.  The  par- 
cels of  land  were  held  by  the  settlers  under  a 
lease  system.  Their  title  was  good  against  any- 
one but  the  government  so  long  as  they  continued 
to  occupy  and  cultivate  the  land,  but  this  title 
carried  with  it  no  right  of  granting  or  devising,  and 
was  subject  to  forfeiture  for  failure  to  comply 
with  certain  regulations. 

The  requirements  for  prospective  pobladores 
were  theoretically  very  strict.  They  must  be  mar- 
ried men,  accompanied  by  their  families;  healthy 
and  robust.  They  must  bind  themselves  to  ten 
years  of  service  in  the  colonies.  The  female  rela- 
tives of  such  settlers  were  to  be  encouraged  to 
accompany  the  families  with  a view  to  marriage, 
with  the  bachelor  soldiers  already  in  the  prov- 
ince. It  is  needless  to  say  that  under  the  condi- 
tions in  Mexico,  these  requirements  could  seldom 
be  met.  In  fact  so  frequently  were  they  waived 
that  it  really  became  the  exception  to  find  a man 
or  a family  that  did  meet  them. 

It  fell  to  the  lot  of  Governor  de  Neve  to  super- 
intend the  actual  founding  of  the  only  two  of  the 
pueblos  which  ever  became  accomplished  facts. 
He  chose  the  site  for  the  first  about  halfway 
between  Monterey  and  San  Francisco,  then  but  a 
few  months  old.  El  Pueblo  de  San  Jose  de  Guad- 


68 


The  Story  of  California 


alupe  was  the  sonorous  title  bestowed  upon  the 
new  settlement,  and  it  received  its  formal  start  in 
the  world  on  November  29,  1776.  The  original 
population  consisted  of  fourteen  families. 

Nearly  five  years  later,  September  4,  1781,  the 
second  pueblo,  El  Pueblo  de  Nuestra  Sefiora  la 
Rein  a de  Los  Angeles  was  founded  and  became 
the  residence  of  twelve  families;  forty-six  per- 
sons in  all.  These  colonists  were  mostly  of  a 
mixture  of  Indian  and  negro  blood  with  traces 
of  Spanish,  and  not  one  of  them  could  read  or 
write  or  even  sign  his  name.  A more  lazy  and 
unpromising  company  of  pioneers  it  would  proba- 
bly be  hard  to  find  and  the  result  was  what  might 
be  expected  under  the  circumstances.  And  yet 
this  was  the  beginning  of  the  most  prosperous 
of  the  Spanish  pueblos. 

A third  pueblo  was  proposed  at  San  Francisco 
but  after  investigation  it  was  decided  that  this 
location  was  the  worst  place  in  California  for  the 
purpose  in  view:  “nothing  but  sand,  brambles, 
and  raging  winds.”  An  attempt  was  however 
made  to  establish  a third  colony  near  the  site  of 
the  present  city  of  Santa  Cruz.  This  was  the 
favorite  project  of  the  new  Viceroy  of  Mexico  and 
was  named  in  his  honor  Villa  Branciforte . To 
make  it  a model  pueblo  was  the  dream  of  the 
Viceroy.  It  was  founded  with  all  ceremony  and 
carefully  watched  by  a paternal  government,  the 
supervision  of  the  authorities  even  going  so  far 


The  Pueblos 


69 


as  to  prescribe  for  each  inhabitant  the  careful 
observance  of  all  Christian  solemnities.  To  think 
that  this  ideal  community  could  sink  to  the  low 
level  of  San  Jose  and  Los  Angeles  was  impossi- 
ble ! But  its  population  was  soon  rebuked  for 
immorality,  and  was  later  accused  of  attempted 
murder.  Bad  as  were  the  other  two  pueblos, 
Branciforte  was  worse  than  either  and  soon  came 
to  an  untimely  end.  Its  material  portion  passed 
into  oblivion  and  today  no  trace  remains  of  the 
Viceroy’s  cherished  dream. 

The  pueblos  started  under  sufficiently  discour- 
aging conditions,  but  if  they  ever  had  any  real 
opportunity  to  grow  prosperous  and  orderly  it  was 
effectually  checked  by  the  policy  of  the  govern- 
ment in  using  California  as  a penal  colony  for 
Mexico.  Governor  Fages,  De  Neve’s  successor, 
made  the  fatal  suggestion  to  the  Mexican  author- 
ities that  artisans  who  had  been  imprisoned  for 
crime  in  Mexico  be  sent  to  California  to  work  out 
their  sentences  at  the  presidios,  missions,  and 
pueblos.  Military  discipline  at  the  presidios  and 
religious  discipline  at  the  missions  preserved  both 
of  these  institutions  from  the  contamination  of 
these  characters.  But  the  pueblos  had  no  such 
discipline  and  nothing  to  take  its  place.  While 
these  criminals  to  some  extent  answered  a crying 
need  for  skilled  laborers,  their  effect  upon  the 
civil  communities  was  to  destroy  every  vestige  of 
moral  fibre  in  their  populations. 


70 


The  Story  of  California 


The  degenerate  character  of  the  towns  is  shown 
in  the  report  of  Governor  Borica  in  which  he 
refers  to  their  people  and  says  that  most  of  them 
are  idlers,  paying  more  attention  to  gambling  and 
guitar-playing  than  to  tilling  their  fields  and  edu- 
cating their  children.  Disorder  was  rife,  quarrel- 
ing and  fighting  almost  continuous,  and  murder 
frequent.  Morality  was  practically  unknown. 
One  of  the  regulations  at  San  Jose  provided  that 
all  single  males  over  twelve  years  of  age  should" 
sleep  every  night  in  the  guardhouse.  As  late  as 
1809,  Comisionado  Alvarado  at  Los  Angeles 
reported  gambling,  drunkenness  and  other  ex- 
cesses on  the  increase.  The  town  stocks  were 
always  occupied,  and  the  people  became  more 
and  more  vicious,  scandalous,  and  intolerable. 

The  labor  system  which  prevailed  was  partly 
the  cause  and  partly  the  result  of  this  regrettable 
condition.  Agriculture  and  stock  raising  were 
the  sole  industries.  Practically  all  manual  labor 
was  done  by  pagan  Indians.  This  labor  was  con- 
tracted for  with  native  chiefs  who  took  part  of 
the  crop  as  pay  and  made  large  profits  for  them- 
selves in  the  deal.  The  Indians  so  employed 
were  those  who  would  not  become  converted  and 
live  at  the  missions.  While  the  Indians  performed 
their  work  for  them,  the  settlers  passed  the  day 
in  singing  and  gambling. 

The  pueblos  were,  therefore,  total  failures  so 
far  as  their  original  purposes  went.  Tb^  failure 


The  Pueblos 


71 


is  very  generally  ascribed  to  the  unworthy  char- 
acter of  the  colonists.  This  was  undoubtedly  a 
large  factor,  but  there  were  other  causes  which 
prevented  any  possibility  of  success.  As  early 
as  1779,  Governor  de  Neve  reports  the  influence 
of  the  friars  as  against  pueblo  progress.  This 
antagonism  became  more  marked  as  time  passed. 
The  friars,  splendid  men  as  they  were,  were  ex- 
tremely narrow,  and  jealously  opposed  develop- 
ment in  any  direction  except  that  which  took  place 
under  their  own  control.  They  did  not  care  to 
see  any  power  arise  in  the  country  which  might 
eventually  cope  with  theirs. 

Another  very  efficient  cause  of  the  poor  prog- 
ress made  by  the  pueblos  was  the  mercantile  sys- 
tem. Spain,  like  all  other  European  countries 
with  colonies  at  that  time,  tried  to  manage  her 
colonies  entirely  for  the  benefit  of  the  mother 
country.  In  the  case  of  California  this  was  ac- 
companied by  another  idea  that  the  interests  of 
both  colony  and  mother  country  would  best  be 
conserved  by  reducing  trade  to  the  lowest  possi- 
ble amount.  No  ships  were  admitted  to  Califor- 
nia ports  except  the  San  Bias  transports  and  the 
Philippine  vessels,  and  no  trade  of  any  kind  was 
allowed  even  with  these. 

Local  trading  transactions  were  likewise  ham- 
pered. Sorely  as  the  presidios  needed  the  agricul- 
tural products  of  the  pueblos,  the  law  of  supply 
and  demand  was  not  allowed  to  take  its  course. 


72  The  Story  of  California 

If  it  had  been  the  pueblos  might  have  flourished, 
but  they  were  required  to  sell  all  their  surplus 
products  to  the  presidios  exclusively,  at  prices  fixed 
from  time  to  time  by  the  government.  As  this 
selfsame  government  had  to  pay  the  bills  for  such 
supplies,  the  prices  were  never  excessive.  In 
addition  to  this  elimination  of  all  incentive  to 
progress,  the  settlers  were  at  all  times  required 
to  keep  themselves  in  readiness  with  horses  and 
muskets  for  military  service.  The  result  of  these 
restrictions  was  a continued  succession  of  hard 
times  at  the  pueblos,  and  this  in  spite  of  the  fact 
that  at  Los  Angeles  a larger  quantity  of  grain 
was  produced  than  at  any  other  place  in  the  ter- 
ritory except  San  Gabriel. 

It  was  not  until  nearly  fifty  years  after  their 
founding  that  the  pueblos  began  to  show  any 
signs  of  substantial  improvement,  and  to  obtain 
a few  words  of  commendation  from  the  author- 
ities instead  of  the  volumes  of  censure  which  had 
formerly  been  the  rule.  Los  Angeles  established 
a school  in  1817,  and  San  Jose  followed  her 
example  the  year  after.  At  Los  Angeles  the  mas- 
ter received  the  meagre  salary  of  $140  a year,  but 
it  was  a start  in  the  right  direction..  Kotzebue, 
who  visited  San  Jose  in  1824,  speaks  highly  of  the 
general  appearance  of  the  town  and  people.  But 
even  at  their  best  the  pueblos  never  became  pro- 
ducers in  sufficient  quantity  to  repay  their  cost 
to  the  government  which  had  established  them. 


The  Pueblos 


73 


Under  the  republican  regime,  the  non-military 
residents  of  Monterey  and  of  Santa  Barbara  were 
organized  into  a kind  of  presidial  pueblo  which 
bore  no  resemblance  except  in  name  to  the  pueblos 
which  have  been  described.  They  were,  however, 
a step  in  the  progress  of  these  places  to  their  posi- 
tion of  cities  in  modern  California. 

Private  “ ranchos  ” were  not  a part  of  the  orig- 
inal plan  of  occupation.  Such  establishments  are 
not  easily  supervised  in  the  manner  which  appeals 
so  strongly  to  the  paternalistic  spirit  of  Spanish 
institutions.  They,  as  well  as  the  pueblos,  met 
with  the  opposition  of  the  friars.  The  fear  of  a 
rival  power  was  supplemented  in  the  case  of  the 
ranches  by  the  feeling  that  in  such  isolated  settle- 
ments far  from  the  ministering  services  of  the 
missionaries  there  would  be  much  backsliding  in 
matters  religious  and  moral. 

But  in  spite  of  the  lack  of  any  government  pro- 
vision for  them,  and  in  the  face  of  the  opposition 
of  the  padres,  private  ranches  gradually  became 
established.  An  influential  man,  either  by  reason 
of  his  friendship  for  the  governor  or  because  of 
distinguished  services,  would  be  granted  a large 
tract  of  land.  On  this  tract  there  sprang  up  a 
small  but  almost  wholly  self-supporting  and  self- 
sufficing  community.  The  proprietor  was  in  a 
position  of  practical  independence  and  ruled 
almost  as  a monarch  in  his  little  domain.  In  all, 
there  were  granted  about  fifty  ranches  which  were 


74 


The  Story  of  California 


scattered  all  through  the  country  from  Monterey 
to  San  Diego.  While  they  maintained  their  posi- 
tion from  the  start,  their  real  prosperity  began 
with  the  removal  of  trade  restrictions  in  1828, 
and  the  consequent  expansion  of  the  hide  and  tal- 
low industry.  Their  lands  then  became  of  great 
value  and  continued  so  through  the  time  of  the 
American  conquest. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  SPANISH  PERIOD 1769-1822 

T T has  been  necessary  in  describing  the  establish- 
^ ment  of  the  missions,  the  presidios,  and  the 
pueblos,  to  allude  to  events  and  conditions  of  a 
later  date  than  that  of  the  earliest  years  of  these 
institutions.  We  return  now  to  chronicle  in  their 
proper  order  the  most  important  events  of  the 
Spanish  period. 

Gaspar  de  Portola  remained  the  governor  of 
the  Californias,  Upper  and  Lower,  only  until 
March  of  1770.  He  was  at  that  time  succeeded 
by  Felipe  de  Barri  who  resided  at  Loreto  in  Baja 
California,  the  capital  of  both  provinces,  and 
never  visited  Alta  California  at  all.  While  Barri 
was  governor,  the  actual  management  of  affairs  in 
the  latter  province  was  in  the  hands  of  Pedro 
Fages  as  comandante.  Between  this  autocratic 
soldier  and  Padre  Serra  there  was  continual  hos- 
tility which  resulted  in  a temporary  victory  for 
the  friar  in  1772,  when  Fages  was  removed  and 
the  command  in  the  upper  province  placed  in  the 
hands  of  Rivera  y Moncada.  Rivera  was  also 
a soldier,  but  a much  more  diplomatic  man  than 
Fages.  He  succeeded  in  getting  along  very  well 

75 


76  The  Story  of  California 

with  the  Father-President  by  letting  him  have  his 
own  way. 

On  August  1 6,  1775,  the  King  of  Spain  formally 
recognized  the  fact  that  Alta  California  far  ex- 
ceeded Baja  California  in  importance,  and  ordered 
that  the  capital  of  the  two  provinces  be  removed 
to  Monterey.  The  governor  was  to  reside  at  the 
northern  city  and  the  lieutenant-governor  at  Lo- 
reto, the  former  capital.  California  had  asserted 
its  supremacy,  and  as  time  passed  its  lead  over  the 
older  province  was  to  be  vastly  increased. 

Felipe  de  Neve  was  the  first  governor  who  re- 
sided at  the  new  capital.  For  seven  years  he  pre- 
sided over  the  destinies  of  the  province  with 
marked  success.  About  the  time  he  took  office  a 
new  arrangement  went  into  effect  in  Mexico  by 
which  the  northwest  provinces,  including  the  two 
Californias,  were  joined  in  a district  under  a 
comandante-general.  This  resulted  in  a great 
deal  of  local  independence  for  the  governor  of 
the  upper  province.  Felipe  de  Neve  was  well 
qualified  to  carry  this  responsibility.  He  was  nat- 
urally of  a judicial  mind  and  was  constantly  plan- 
ning and  executing  measures  which  would  better 
the  conditions  of  the  people  under  his  charge. 

The  greatest  of  his  many  tasks  was  to  straighten 
out  the  tangles  in  the  governmental  system  of  Cal- 
ifornia. This  he  found  in  confusion,  with  the 
representatives  of  the  church,  the  army,  and  the 
civil  authority  each  striving  for  the  mastery.  He 


The  Spanish  Period  77 

drew  up  and  promulgated  a codified  plan  or  reg- 
lamento  which  settled  these  vexing  questions,  and 
brought  a semblance  of  order  into  the  hitherto 
existing  chaos.  A second  service  he  rendered  the 
province  was  his  superintendence  of  the  establish- 
ment of  the  pueblos.  His  plan  for  these,  as  has 
been  seen,  was  excellent  and  it  was  not  through 
any  fault  of  De  Neve  that  the  achievement  was 
not  as  commendable. 

The  administration  of  De  Neve  was  marked  by 
a peculiarly  acute  quarrel  between  the  governor 
and  the  indomitable  churchman,  Serra.  De  Neve’s 
predecessors,  Fages  and  Rivera,  whenever  they 
had  presumed  to  cross  the  friar  in  his  purposes, 
had  been  swept  aside  with  scant  courtesy.  But  in 
De  Neve,  the  Father-President  found  a more  diffi- 
cult problem.  The  cause  of  the  disagreement  was 
the  right  to  administer  confirmation  to  the  neo- 
phytes. By  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  law  this 
power  was  confined  to  the  bishops.  Serra  was  not 
a bishop  and  he  felt  that,  as  it  was  very  unlikely 
that  any  bishop  would  visit  California  with  suffi- 
cient frequency  to  administer  the  rite  of  confir- 
mation to  the  thousands  who  would  desire  it,  he 
should  be  granted  the  power.  He  succeeded  in 
securing  the  grant  through  the  Franciscan  College 
of  San  Fernando  and  proceeded  to  administer  con- 
firmation to  the  Indians  in  large  numbers.  De 
Neve,  having  had  no  advices  of  this  extraordinary 
grant  of  power,  and  no  doubt  questioning  the  wis- 


78 


The  Story  of  California 


dom  of  receiving  this  multitude  of  savages  into 
the  church  membership,  questioned  the  authority 
of  the  President.  Serra,  sure  of  his  position  and 
not  wishing  to  recognize  the  right  of  the  civil 
authority  to  inquire  into  his  acts,  paid  no  atten- 
tion to  the  request,  and  continued  to  administer  the 
rite.  De  Neve  issued  an  order  suspending  all 
confirmations,  and  reported  the  matter  to  the 
comandante-general.  This  official,  knowing  of 
the  authority  granted  to  Serra,  ordered  the  latter 
to  show  his  papers  to  De  Neve  and  settle  the  mat- 
ter at  once.  But  Serra,  for  some  reason  unmen- 
tioned, had  sent  the  papers  down  to  the  College  of 
San  Fernando.  It  is  difficult  to  find  a worthy 
motive  for  this  action  on  the  part  of  the  mis- 
sionary, and  all  the  evidence  points  to  an  uncom- 
mendable  desire  to  humiliate  the  governor,  a pur- 
pose which  failed  because  of  the  latter’s  self- 
control  throughout  the  whole  affair. 

Naturally  a man  of  De  Neve’s  ability  could  not 
remain  long  at  a post  relatively  so  unimportant 
as  the  governorship  of  California,  and  in  1782  he 
succeeded  to  the  position  of  comandante-general 
of  the  northwestern  provinces,  where  unfortu- 
nately he  lived  to  serve  only  a few  months.  His 
successor  in  California  was  Serra’s  old  enemy 
Pedro  Fages,  who  triumphed  at  last  by  living  to 
see  himself  in  authority  over  the  very  California 
from  which  Serra  had  secured  his  removal  in 
earlier  years. 


The  Spanish  Period  79 

Fages  was  a well-meaning  soldier,  conscientious 
in  the  discharge  of  his  duty,  but  of  little  intellec- 
tual capacity.  The  friars  found  little  difficulty  in 
circumventing  him,  as  is  well  illustrated  by  the 
circumstances  attending  the  founding  of  the  three 
Channel  missions.  De  Neve  had  offered  no  oppo- 
sition to  San  Buenaventura  for  that  was  in  the 
original  plan.  But  his  appreciation  of  the  mission 
system  was  not  so  great  that  he  would  look  with 
favor  on  two  other  establishments  in  that  region. 
He  refused  to  allow  them  unless  the  industrial 
system  was  so  modified  that  the  Indians  would 
not  be  required  to  live  at  the  missions  except  a 
few  at  a time  and  for  short  periods.  This  ar- 
rangement the  friars  claimed  to  be  unworkable  and 
refused  to  be  stationed  at  the  new  missions  under 
these  conditions,  which  suited  De  Neve  very  well. 
But  Fages  had  not  been  long  in  office  when  all 
three  of  the  Channel  missions  were  established 
under  exactly  the  same  plan  as  the  older  institu- 
tions. 

On  Fages’  resignation  in  1790,  Jose  Antonio 
Romeu  was  appointed  to  succeed  him.  He  lived  to 
serve  only  about  one  year  during  all  of  which  he 
was  too  ill  to  take  any  active  part  in  affairs.  Jose 
Joaquin  de  Arrillaga  took  charge  of  the  province 
as  acting  governor  until  1794,  when  Diego  de 
Borica  arrived  with  a commission  as  governor. 

Borica  possessed  a joyous  disposition,  was  pop- 
ular and  influential,  and  is  the  first  man  reported 


80 


The  Story  of  California 


to  have  become  ultra-enthusiastic  over  California 
life.  He  declared  in  a letter  to  a friend,  “ one 
lives  better  here  than  in  the  most  cultured  court 
in  Europe.”  This  may  have  been  true,  but  it  is 
probably  no  less  true  that  Diego  was  of  those 
who  would  have  a good  time  anywhere.  He  was, 
however,  a gooci  worker  and  as  firm  as  De  Neve 
in  his  attitude  toward  the  missionaries.  His  rela- 
tions with  them  were  not,  however,  of  such  a char- 
acter as  to  retard  mission  development.  On  the 
contrary,  soon  after  he  came  into  office  the  exten- 
sion of  the  mission  activities  received  fresh  impe- 
tus. It  had  lagged  somewhat  under  the  two  pre- 
vious administrations,  but  Father-President  Las- 
uen  who  succeeded  Serra  as  head  of  the  system, 
worked  in  conjunction  with  Borica  and  five  new 
missions  were  established  within  two  years. 

California’s  progress  had  always  been  a matter 
of  small  moment  to  the  great  world  outside,  but 
in  the  first  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century  she 
was  almost  forgotten.  The  great  storm  of  the 
Napoleonic  wars  had  burst  over  Europe  and  its 
violent  effects  were  not  unfelt  along  the  Atlantic 
seaboard  of  this  continent.  The  world  had  no 
time  to  think  of  the  far  away  territory  on  the 
shores  of  the  Pacific,  and  California  did  not  seem 
to  notice  the  neglect;  in  fact  she  did  not  think 
about  the  world.  Though  Napoleon  was  for  a 
time  in  complete  control  of  Spain,  his  conquest  of 
the  mother  country  had  no  effect  on  California 


Courtesy  of  Charles  Scribner’s  Sons 


SPANISH  MAP  OF  1787.  SHOWING  MISSIONS, 
PRESIDIOS,  AND  ROUTES 

(From  “The  Making  of  the  Great  West”) 


The  Spanish  Period 


81 


further  than  to  cause  ceaseless  prayers  for  the 
restoration  of  the  rightful  monarch. 

When  restoration  did  come,  Spain’s  great  colo- 
nial empire  had  been  so  long  neglected  that  it  was 
impossible  to  revive  it.  The  revolution  which 
freed  Mexico  was  well  under  way,  and  the  shat- 
tered power  of  Spain  could  not  hope  to  stretch 
its  arm  across  the  wide  Atlantic  and  quell  it. 

For  ten  years  the  struggle  continued,  but  it  was 
always  hopeless,  and  in  1821  Mexico  became  in- 
dependent and  carried  California  with  it.  Such 
was  the  great  sweep  of  events  in  the  first  two 
decades  of  the  last  century,  in  which  California 
took  no  part,  but  in  consequence  of  which  she 
came  under  a new  sovereignty. 

In  1800  Borica  resigned  and  was  succeeded  by 
Arrillaga  who  had  before  acted  as  governor. 
His  administration  covered  fourteen  years  and  was 
marked  by  the  good  feeling  which  existed  between 
the  civil  and  the  religious  authorities.  This  new 
turn  of  affairs  was  caused  by  Arrillaga’s  percep- 
tion of  the  fact  that  the  province  must  soon  depend 
upon  the  missions  for  its  food  supply.  Long  be- 
fore the  end  of  his  rule  supplies  and  pay  had 
ceased  to  come  up  the  coast  from  Mexico.  The 
presidios,  and  to  a great  extent  the  pueblos,  faced 
starvation,  but  the  missions  had  plenty  of  cattle 
and  wheat  and  other  foodstuffs.  There  was  but 
one  course  open  to  the  governor  and  he  followed 
it.  He' forced  the  missions  to  turn  over  their  great 


82 


The  Story  of  California 


surplus  production  in  return  for  drafts  upon  the 
Spanish  government.  The  missionaries  objected 
seriously  at  first  but  finally  came  to  see  that  it  was 
the  only  thing  to  do,  and  at  the  time  of  the  down- 
fall of  the  Spanish  regime  they  held  utterly  worth- 
less paper  of  a face  value  of  over  $400,000. 

Though  Spain  could  no  longer  pay  her  soldiers 
nor  supply  the  province  with  necessary  articles, 
she  could  still  fill  its  offices.  Upon  Arrillaga’s 
death  in  1814,  Pablo  Vicente  de  Sola  arrived  to 
take  over  the  administration  of  affairs.  He  was 
a Spaniard,  an  officer  in  the  royal  army,  and 
utterly  unfitted  for  the  task  he  had  been  sent  to  per- 
form. He  was  a martinet  without  ability  and  had 
come  to  California  at  a time  when  the  problems 
facing  the  civil  administration  were  the  most  diffi- 
cult in  her  history. 

It  was  not  until  four  years  after  Sola’s  arrival, 
and  not  until  three  years  before  the  independence 
of  Mexico  became  an  accomplished  fact,  that  Cal- 
ifornia felt  any  of  the  throes  of  the  revolution  in 
New  Spain,  other  than  the  lack  of  supplies.  In 
1818  there  appeared  off  Monterey  two  vessels 
flying  the  flag  of  the  revolted  province  of  Buenos 
Aires.  These  vessels  carried  a force  of  285  men 
under  the  command  of  the  rebel  leader  Bouchard. 
The  morning  after  their  arrival  they  began  bom- 
barding the  town.  Though  the  command  on  shore 
consisted  of  but  forty  men,  the  cannon  of  the  pre- 
sidio were  served  so  well  in  reply  that  the  smaller 


The  Spanish  Period  83 

ship  was  silenced  for  a time  at  least.  Bouchard 
at  once  landed  his  men  and  the  Spanish  defenders 
were  driven  back  into  the  presidio.  The  revolu- 
tionists then  started  in  to  plunder  and  burn  and 
many  of  the  houses  in  the  town  were  destroyed. 
The  next  morning  they  embarked  and  sailed  away 
much  to  the  relief  of  the  still  loyal  inhabitants. 

These  vessels  stopped  at  several  other  points 
along  the  coast  where  more  burning  and  pillaging 
was  done.  They  finally  sailed  away  from  San 
Juan  Capistrano  on  December  15  and  were  seen 
no  more.  The  object  of  this  visit  of  Bouchard’s 
has  been  the  subject  of  much  speculation.  It  was 
evidently  not  to  conquer  the  country,  because  he 
did  not  do  it.  Certainly  there  was  no  force  on 
hand  which  could  have  successfully  resisted  him 
if  such  had  been  his  purpose.  Plunder  can  hardly 
have  been  the  motive  for  while  the  crews  pillaged 
wherever  they  stopped,  they  could  have  done 
much  more  than  they  did,  if  they  had  been  so 
minded.  Probably  Bouchard  was  not  of  a pirat- 
ical turn  of  mind  and  was  simply  looking  for 
the  prestige  in  his  own  country  which  comes  from 
having  struck  a blow  at  the  public  enemy  in  a far 
off  quarter  of  the  globe. 

Two  years  after  this  incident,  in  1820,  there 
was  submitted  to  the  people  of  California  the 
Constitution  of  1812,  which  had  been  forced  upon 
Fernando  VII  by  the  Mexican  revolutionists.  The 
officers  and  citizens  of  the  province  took  the  oath 


84 


The  Story  of  California 


of  allegiance  to  it  without  objection  or  question. 
Less  than  a year  afterward  Iturbide  proclaimed 
the  independence  of  Mexico  in  February  of  1821. 
The  regency  of  which  he  was  the  head  was  estab- 
lished in  September  of  that  year.  The  news  of 
the  declaration  did  not  reach  California  until 
December,  and  Governor  Sola  referred  to  the 
document  which  brought  him  official  notice  of 
occurrences  in  Mexico  as  having  been  written  in  a 
land  of  dreamers,  as  independence  was  a dream. 

In  March,  however,  there  came  the  news  of 
Iturbide’s  complete  success  and  the  establishment 
of  the  regency  which  was  to  hold  the  reins  of  gov- 
ernment until  a member  of  the  Spanish  royal  fam- 
ily should  arrive  to  take  the  throne.  This  put  a 
new  face  on  the  matter  and  Sola  immediately  called 
a junta  at  Monterey.  This  unofficial  gathering  of 
the  leaders  of  the  province  recognized  the  depen- 
dency of  California  upon  Mexico  and  resolved  to 
obey  the  regency.  Again  an  oath  to  support  the 
new  government  was  taken  without  protest  from 
any  quarter. 

But  changes  were  following  each  other  with 
great  rapidity  in  the  governmental  affairs  of  Mex- 
ico and  the  efforts  of  the  Californians  to  keep  pace 
with  them  became  almost  ludicrous.  In  July  news 
was  received  that  Iturbide  had  had  himself  pro- 
claimed Emperor  Agustin  I.  He  had  promised 
to  pay  all  the  moneys  due  to  the  troops  and  the 
missions  and  this  promise  secured  his  immediate 


The  Spanish  Period 


85 


and  unqualified  acceptance  in  the  province.  The 
flag  of  the  new  empire  was  substituted  for  that 
of  Spain  with  all  the  celebration  customary  on  such 
great  occasions.  If  there  was  any  regret  at  the 
step  among  any  portion  of  the  inhabitants,  it  was 
completely  lost  in  the  festivities. 

For  almost  three  years,  California  did  not 
again  have  to  change  her  allegiance.  But  in  1825 
word  was  received  of  the  establishment  of  the 
federal  constitution  of  the  previous  year.  Gov- 
ernor Luis  Antonio  Arguello  who  had  been  acting 
since  the  beginning  of  the  Mexican  sway,  called 
another  junta.  This  body  was  more  conservative 
than  its  predecessor;  and  was  not  acting  under  the 
excitement  caused  by  a promise  of  the  new  govern- 
ment to  pay  off  all  the  old  indebtedness.  It  re- 
solved to  hold  aloof  until  the  real  trend  of  affairs 
could  become  known.  A provisional  government 
was  promulgated  but  never  established,  for  upon 
the  receipt  of  further  news  and  the  full  text  of 
the  new  constitution,  the  junta  advised  submission 
to  the  new  republic.  The  oath  of  allegiance  was 
taken  as  cheerfully  as  former  ones  had  been  and 
with  all  the  usual  ceremonies,  except  the  religious 
features,  for  Prefect  Sarria  declined  to  sanction 
republicanism. 

The  new  constitution  was  modeled  after  that 
of  the  United  States,  and  made  California  a ter- 
ritory of  the  new  Republic  of  Mexico.  This  was 
highly  satisfactory  to  the  great  majority  of  the 


86 


The  Story  of  California 


Californians  who  in  all  their  rapid  changes  of 
allegiance  had  not  seen  the  property  rights  of  any 
individual  disturbed,  nor  the  position  of  any  office- 
holder threatened.  A more  peaceful  shift  from 
the  monarchical  to  the  republican  form  of  govern- 
ment was  probably  never  effected  in  any  country. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  MISSION  SYSTEM 

IT  is  apparent  from  the  recital  of  the  events  of 
the  Spanish  period  that  the  principal  work  of 
the  local  civil  authorities  of  California  was  to 
maintain  their  position  as  an  equal  factor  with  the 
missions.  While  they  succeeded  to  a certain  ex- 
tent in  doing  this,  the  real  dominating  force  in 
early  California  was  the  mission  organization. 
The  civil  and  military  portion  of  the  settlements 
could  have  been  removed  with  little  effect  upon 
the  history  or  development  of  the  country;  to  have 
taken  the  missions  away  from  Spanish  California 
would  have  left  nothing.  The  understanding  of 
the  spirit  of  these  institutions,  therefore,  becomes 
a matter  of  first  importance  in  studying  the  his- 
tory of  the  early  period. 

After  the  ceremonies  attendant  upon  the  found- 
ing of  a mission  had  been  performed  and  the 
neighboring  Indians  had  been  persuaded  to  lay 
aside  their  fears  and  exchange  gifts  with  the  mis- 
sionaries, the  founding  party  left  the  new  estab- 
lishment in  charge  of  two  friars.  Upon  these 
two  lone  strangers  fell  the  duty  of  winning  the 
confidence  of  the  natives,  converting,  baptizing, 
and  teaching  them.  Their  main  instrument  of  suc- 

87 


88 


The  Story  of  California 


cess  was  their  zeal,  and  their  sole  protection 
against  the  violence  of  the  more  savage  aborigines 
two  or  three  soldiers  of  very  questionable  brav- 
ery or  efficiency. 

Their  equipment  consisted  of  some  cattle,  tools, 
seeds,  and  a supply  of  vestments  and  holy  vessels 
for  the  formalities  of  worship.  Least  valuable 
but  perhaps  of  most  importance  at  that  stage  of 
the  work  were  the  numerous  trinkets  and  articles 
of  cheap  clothing  which  were  given  to  the  natives. 
The  friars  always  maintained  that  the  only  way 
to  the  native  heart  was  through  the  native  stomach 
and  pride  in  personal  adornment.  It  was  by  these 
gifts  of  material  blessings  that  the  trust  of  these 
simple  people,  was  first  won.  During  this  process 
the  friars  continued  to  hold  religious  services  reg<^ 
ularly,  in  full  view  of  the  wondering  natives,  who 
gradually  evinced  an  interest  in  the  proceedings. 
A method  of  communication  was  established,  half 
signs,  half  words.  As  soon  as  they  began  some- 
what to  understand  each  other,  the  friars  pre- 
vailed upon  the  Indians  to  set  up  their  houses  in 
the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the  mission. 
Seeds  were  given  them  and  they  were  shown  how 
to  plant  them,  how  they  should  be  cared  for,  and 
how  the  blessings  of  harvest  followed. 

During  all  this  instruction  in  agricultural  mat- 
ters, a steady  influence  was  exerted  upon  those 
who  had  settled  near  the  mission  to  uplift  their 
standards  of  morality.  Then  followed  as  a mat- 


The  Mission  System 


89 


ter  of  course  the  instruction  in  religion.  This  at 
first  was  merely  a teaching  of  forms  and  was  indic- 
ative of  nothing  more  than  imitation  on  the  part 
of  the  natives.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  in  a 
short  time  the  friars  were  enabled  to  select  a few 
of  the  more  intelligent  of  the  converts  and  instill 
into  their  minds  some  real  conception  of  the  truths 
and  mysteries  of  religion.  These  leaders  in  their 
turn,  using  the  native  language,  passed  on  to  their 
less  intelligent  brethren  the  wonderful  knowledge 
they  had  gained.  In  this  way  the  influence  spread 
from  the  friars  to  the  keener  few  among  the  na- 
tives, from  these  to  the  larger  mass  of  their  fel- 
lows, and  from  these  in  turn  to  the  great  body  of 
the  gentilidad,  as  the  friars  called  the  unconverted 
Indians. 

In  larger  and  larger  numbers  these  benighted 
ones  flocked  to  the  mission  rancherias  to  place 
themselves  under  the  leavening  influence,  and 
larger  grew  the  body  of  neophytes  who  looked 
to  the  friars  for  guidance  and  command.  The 
work  of  bringing  the  light  of  thought  and  intelli- 
gent action  to  these  unenlightened  souls  was  in- 
spiring. Aspiration  grew  with  success.  A splendid 
church  must  be  erected  in  which  God  might  be 
worshiped  with  all  the  splendor  that  could  be 
brought  into  this  barren  desert.  So,  acting  as 
their  own  architects,  pressing  the  soldiers  into 
service  as  foremen,  the  friars  marshalled  this 
army  of  workers  and  proceeded  to  the  erection  of 


90 


The  Story  of  California 


the  beautiful  mission  churches  some  few  of  which 
remain  today.  How  these  crude  aborigines,  under 
the  superintendence  of  a handful  of  guardsmen, 
and  guided  by  a few  friars,  ever  succeeded  in 
erecting  edifices  of  such  substantial  and  lasting 
beauty  is  a marvel. 

The  church  completed  and  the  ceremonial  vest- 
ments and  vessels  installed,  the  security  and  even 
affluence  of  their  position  began  to  impress  them- 
selves upon  the  friars.  They  had  begun  to  realize 
their  influence.  Now  that  they  had  their  church, 
they  felt  the  need  of  other  buildings  such  as  dor- 
mitories, dining-rooms,  storerooms,  stables  and 
sheds.  One  after  another  these  wants  were  real- 
ized. The  friars  laid  out  a plan  and  as  the  va- 
rious buildings  were  constructed  they  were  made 
to  conform  to  it.  Gradually  this  plan  began  to 
show  in  its  completeness.  The  quite  frequent 
earthquakes  led  to  the  adoption  of  a comparatively 
low  type  of  structure.  The  fear  of  attack  by  hos- 
tile Indians  suggested  the  form  of  a hollow  square 
for  the  group  of  buildings.  The  love  of  the  beau- 
tiful in  the  hearts  of  the  leaders  refused  to  tol- 
erate the  unsightly  appearance  of  a square  of 
ugly  adobe  walls,  so  they  were  first  covered  with  a 
cleaner,  smoother  sort  of  adobe.  Even  this  was 
too  plain  and  inartistic  and  the  arched  corridor 
around  the  entire  inner  side  of  the  square  was 
evolved.  The  thatched  roof  of  early  times  was 
found  to  afford  an  easy  means  by  which  attacking 


The  Mission  System 


91 


bands  of  Indians  could  set  fire  to  the  mission, 
buildings  and  a home-manufactured  red  tile  was 
substituted.  Thus  the  mission  buildings  assumed 
the  outward  form  which  we  of  today  know  from 
their  ruins.  The  process  consumed  from  ten  to 
twenty-five  years  in  all. 

The  Mission  of  San  Juan  Capistrano  affords  a 
typical  example  of  the  arrangement  of  all  of  the 
missions;  for  while  no  two  were  alike  in  details, 
all  were  constructed  on  the  same  general  plan.  At 
San  Juan  the  church  occupied  a slight  eminence 
from  which  its  grandeur  rather  dwarfed  the  re- 
mainder of  the  establishment,  vast  as  it  was.  The 
church  was  at  the  corner  of  the  great  quadrangle 
around  which  were  grouped  the  other  mission 
buildings.  It  is  perhaps  inaccurate  to  speak  of 
them  as  buildings  for  they  were  in  fact  all  one 
structure,  though  the  various  parts  had  been  built 
from  time  to  time  as  they  were  needed. 

On  the  left  from  the  church  stretched  the  long 
low  portion  of  the  edifice  which  housed  the  va- 
rious industrial  equipments  — the  hat-factory,  the 
candle-factory,  and  other  workrooms.  At  the 
far  end  of  this  wing,  opposite  the  church  was  a 
budding,  not  a part  of  the  quadrangle,  containing 
guest  rooms,  the  major-domo’s  quarters,  guard- 
house and  arsenal.  A passage  through  the  wing 
at  the  left  of  the  church  led  into  the  great  central 
court  which  was  about  a hundred  yards  square 
and  entirely  surrounded  by  the  arched  cloisters. 


92 


The  Story  of  California 

To  the  right  were  the  large  dining  rooms,  wine- 
cellars,  and  assembly-room.  Behind  these  and  the 
church  were  the  cemetery,  storehouses,  and  vege- 
table garden.  The  other  two  sides  of  the  court 
were  occupied  by  store-rooms  and  shops  — car- 
penter’s, blacksmith’s,  shoemaker’s  — and  the  oil- 
press,  fermenting-vats,  and  large  rooms  where 
there  were  stored  quantities  of  hides,  tallow,  and 
wines.  The  huts  of  the  neophytes  were  built  in 
close  proximity  to  the  mission. 

In  addition  to  the  construction  of  buildings, 
fields  must  be  tilled,  planted,  cultivated,  irrigated, 
and  their  harvests  garnered.  Orchards  must  be 
cared  for  and  their  fruit  picked  and  stored.  Pro- 
visions must  be  hauled  to  the  presidios.  The  in- 
numerable trades  that  are  the  indispensable  ac- 
companiment of  large  civilized  communities  must 
have  their  artisans.  Schools  for  the  children  both 
of  Indian  and  of  white  parents  were  conducted. 
And  last  and  most  important  of  all  the  frequently 
recurring  religious  services  must  be  strictly  per- 
formed. 

A glance  at  the  life  at  one  of  the  missions  for 
a day  brings  out  this  varied  activity.  At  sunrise 
the  bells,  swung  in  the  tower  of  the  church  or  a 
special  belfry,  called  the  whole  community  to 
prayers.  Then  followed  the  mass  and  brief  relig- 
ious instruction.  The  married  natives  dispersed  to 
their  homes  for  breakfast,  while  the  unmarried 
were  provided  for  in  a large  common  dining-hall. 


Tli-c  Mission  System 


93 


For  both  classes,  however,  the  meal  was  the  same; 
simply  a bowl  of  maize-gruel  or  atole.  After  the 
meal,  every  member  of  the  community  took  up 
his  allotted  task.  No  one  was  idle.  To  the  minds 
of  the  friars  it  was  essential  that  everyone  should 
be  constantly  employed  either  in  religious  or  indus- 
trial duties.  Some  departed  to  the  mountains  to 
hunt  in  order  to  furnish  meat  for  the  tables. 
Large  gangs  went  to  the  fields,  orchards,  and  vine- 
yards in  charge  of  alcaldes  or  native  foremen  to 
tend  the  crops.  The  artisans  took  up  the  pursuit 
of  their  various  simple  trades,  such  as  shoemaking, 
carpentering,  brick-making,  leather-working.  At 
eleven  o’clock  work  was  discontinued  until  two 
in  the  afternoon.  This  allowed  three  hours  for 
dinner  and  rest,  after  which  the  tasks  were  taken 
up  again  and,  under  the  watchful  eye  of  the 
alcalde,  pursued  diligently  until  the  sound  of  the 
angelus  floated  out  over  the  fields  an  hour  before 
sunset  and  announced  the  end  of  the  day’s  toil. 
Prayers  and  the  telling  of  beads  on  the  rosary 
preceded  supper.  Various  mild  amusements,  even 
including  dancing,  passed  the  evening  until  bed- 
time. The  primitive  Indian  dances  and  music 
gave  way  to  religious  chants  as  the  voices  became 
trained.  On  special  festival  days  extra  religious 
services  were  observed. 

The  friars  portioned  out  all  the  necessaries  of 
life  to  their  charges,  whose  dress  consisted  of  a 
coarse  linen  shirt,  pantaloons,  shoes  and  a blanket. 


94 


The  Story  of  California 


The  food  was  similarly  meagre  and  plain,  consist- 
ing mainly  of  barley,  corn  meal,  and  vegetables, 
with  occasionally  fresh  beef  or  mutton,  and  meal- 
cakes  or  tortillas. 

I'lie  children  of  both  the  Indian  and  the  white 
race  were  carefully  schooled  along  industrial  and 
religious  lines.  There  were  a number  of  half- 
breed  children  at  each  mission,  for  the  friars  as 
early  as  Serra’s  time  had  encouraged  the  soldiers 
to  marry  Indian  women  — advice  which  had  gen- 
erally been  followed.  Beside  the  services  of  relig- 
ion and  the  rudiments  of  some  trade  the  children 
were  also  taught  something  of  music.  This  was 
instrumental  as  well  as  vocal,  the  flute,  violin  and 
cello  being  the  favorite  instruments;  but  for  either 
voice  or  strings  the  kind  of  music  furnished  was 
almost  entirely  sacred.  The  Indian  girls  dwelt 
apart,  in  a seclusion  approaching  that  of  the  con- 
vent, under  the  care  of  Indian  matrons.  They 
were  instructed  in  the  art  of  weaving  wool,  cot- 
ton, and  flax  garments. 

The  Indians  were  not  compensated  for  their 
labor  except  by  instruction,  for,  under  the  guid- 
ance and  suggestion  of  the  friars,  the  land  and  all 
its  products  belonged  to  the  natives  with  no 
thought  of  ownership  on  the  part  of  the  mission- 
aries. This  arrangement  was  never  abandoned 
in  theory,  but  so  docile  were  their  charges  and  so 
readily  did  they  respond  to  the  slightest  suggestion 
on  the  part  of  their  teachers  that  these  suggestions 


The  Mission  System 


95 


soon  began  to  take  the  form  of  commands.  The 
commands  were  as  readily  obeyed  as  the  sug- 
gestions had  been  followed,  and  it  does  not  take 
long  for  ready  obedience  to  breed  in  him  who 
commands  the  demand  for  obedience  as  a mat- 
ter of  right.  Such  was  the  case  with  the  Fran- 
ciscans. They  began  to  command;  even  to  pun- 
ish for  disobedience.  They  flogged  those  who 
would  not  obey.  They  even  used  the  soldiers  to 
pursue  into  the  wilderness  those  who  were  so  re- 
fractory that  they  had  run  away,  and  to  bring 
them  back  again  under  the  yoke. 

This  condition  was  far  indeed  from  the  ideal 
of  Father  Junipero  and  Saint  Francis.  To  such 
holy  men  the  idea  of  flogging  a refractory  Indian 
would  have  been  utterly  repugnant.  They  would 
have  found  gentler  means  for  winning  him.  It 
was  part  of  the  system  such  men  had  bequeathed 
to  their  order  that  no  Franciscan  should  have  any- 
thing of  this  world’s  goods;  yet  here  were  their 
successors  living  on  the  fat  of  the  land  with  verit- 
ably hundreds  of  human  beings  rendering  obedi- 
ence to  their  orders.  This  assumption  of  tem- 
poral position  had  even  gone  so  far  that  on  cer- 
tain days  special  religious  services  were  held  in 
which  each  neophyte  as  his  name  was  called  was 
required  to  come  forward  and  kiss  the  friar’s 
hand. 

For  this  ceremony  some  plausible  reasoning  was 
advanced  as  to  the  friars  representing  the  power 


96 


The  Story  of  California 


and  beneficence  of  the  church,  but  the  fact  re- 
mains that  it  was  a great  departure  from  the 
spirit  and  early  traditions  of  the  order,  and  that 
it  gave  to  them  a far  higher  position  than  was 
consistent  with  their  claims.  And  this  was  typical 
of  the  later  Franciscan  thought  in  California. 
The  friars  ruled  well  and  for  the  benefit  of  their 
native  charges,  but  rule  they  must,  and  that  ab- 
solutely. 

An  illustration  of  this  position  occurs  in  the 
matter  of  Indian  officials.  The  laws  of  the  colony 
required  an  alcalde  and  several  regidores  to  be 
elected  each  year  by  the  native  population  of  each 
mission.  The  friars  always  objected  to  this,  and 
in  1792  discontinued  it  on  their  own  initiative. 
Governor  Borica  insisted  on  its  being  restored  in 
1796  but  the  padres  made  the  elections  a farce. 
They  always  insisted  that  they  were  acting  in  loco 
parentis  toward  the  aborigines  and  therefore  as- 
sumed absolute  authority  to  do  anything  that 
might  seem  to  them  for  the  benefit  of  their 
charges.  That  the  civil  officials  were  not  the 
only  ones  who  resented  this  is  demonstrated  by 
the  tendency  which  became  marked  at  an  early 
date  among  the  Indian  neophytes  to  run  away 
from  the  missions. 

Widely  differing  views  prevail  as  to  the  con- 
ditions at  the  missions  at  the  height  of  their 
power,  and  of  the  results  of  their  work.  Catholic 
writers  point  to  them  as  a splendid  example  of 


The  Mission  System 


97 


the  noble  self-sacrifice  of  the  members  of  one  of 
the  orders  in  their  church,  and  can  see  in  the 
results  nothing  but  what  is  good;  nothing  but 
that  tended  to  the  enlightening,  the  civilizing  and 
the  salvation  of  the  native  Indian.  Governor 
Arrillaga  is  less  fulsome  in  his  report.  While  he 
does  not  believe  the  mission  system  achieved  the 
perfection  its  sponsors  claim  for  it,  he  still  be- 
lieves it  good,  that  the  friars  are  in  the  main 
sensible  and  honest  men,  and  the  natives  as  a 
rule  well-treated.  La  Perouse,  a Frenchman,  and 
other  travelers  who  visited  California  in  the  days 
of  mission  supremacy,  find  on  the  other  hand 
much  to  criticise.  They  go  so  far  as  to  point 
out  many  resemblances  between  the  mission  meth- 
ods and  the  slave  plantation  system  of  Santo 
Domingo:  There  are  in  fact  instances  of  cruelty 

to  support  this  comparison. 

Probably  the  true  estimate  of  the  missions  lies 
between  the  extremes,  though  just  where  cannot 
be  accurately  determined.  That  many  acts  of 
the  friars  which  seem  inexplicable  when  set  out 
by  themselves  were  due  to  the  poor  quality  of  the 
human  material  with  which  they  worked  is  doubt- 
less true.  Vancouver  described  the  natives  as  the 
most  miserable  beings  he  had  ever  seen  possessing 
the  faculty  of  human  reason.  He  praised  the 
friars  and  noted  the  attachment  of  the  natives  for 
them,  but  saw  no  advantage  attending  their  con- 
version. La  Perouse,  too,  praises  the  friars  but 


98 


■ The  Story  of  California 


thinks  their  work  is  hopeless.  The  native  is  too 
much  of  a child  ever  to  receive  any  benefit  from 
conversion.  He  suggests  that  more  time  spent 
in  dispelling  the  ignorance  of  this  life  and  less  in 
expatiating  on  the  beauties  of  the  life  to  come 
would  show  a better  result.  It  is  unquestionably 
true  that  the  friars,  in  their  zeal  to  make  Chris- 
tians of  the  natives,  neglected  to  make  men  of 
them  first.  Whether  they  ever  could  have  done 
this  had  they  devoted  their  labors  to  that  end  is 
extremely  doubtful. 

In  one  direction  however,  the  friars  were 
largely  at  fault.  This  was  in  the  matter  of  health 
and  sanitation.  There  was  little  knowledge  of 
the  science  of  medicine,  and  apparently  little  at- 
tempt to  gain  any.  Too  often  there  existed  on 
the  part  of  both  the  friars  and  the  neophytes  an 
indifference  to  curative  processes  and  even  to  the 
simplest  laws  of  health.  The  death  rate  among 
the  mission  Indians  reached  a figure  which  in  an 
outdoor  people  to  us  seems  unbelievable.  Some 
critics  attributed  this  to  the  lack  of  substantial 
food,  but  Father  Lasuen  vigorously  denied  this 
and  claimed  that  the  mission  Indians  were  always 
fatter  than  the  gentiles.  It  is  nevertheless  a fact 
that  contagious  diseases  ran  their  course  with 
frightful  results  and  decimated  the  population. 
In  1801  a pulmonary  epidemic  on  the  Channel 
Coast  reached  such  proportions  that  it  caused 


The  Mission  System 


99 


the  survivors  to  turn  for  a time  against  the  friars 
and  their  white  man’s  God. 

In  spite  of  the  position  in  which  the  mission- 
aries had  established  themselves,  they  were  not 
wholly  free  from  worldly  cares.  Several  incidents 
are  worthy  of  mention,  not  because  of  their  in- 
dividual importance  but  to  make  more  complete 
the  picture  of  the  life  at  the  missions.  In  1776 
a tribe  of  gentile  Indians  near  San  Luis  Obispo 
wished  to  revenge  themselves  on  a neighboring 
tribe  which  was  friendly  to  the  Spaniards.  The 
means  which  they  chose  to  carry  out  their  de- 
sign was  to  shoot  burning  arrows  upon  the  tule 
roofs  of  the  mission.  Several  of  the  buildings 
were  destroyed  by  the  flames  before  the  lire  could 
be  extinguished. 

The  Indians  within  the  walls  were  often  as 
much  to  be  feared  as  those  without.  In  1801  one 
of  the  friars  at  San  Miguel  died  under  circum- 
stances which  strongly  indicated  poisoning  by  the 
neophytes,  and  in  the  same  year  there  was  a 
proven  case  of  poisoning,  though  not  fatal,  of  a 
friar  at  San  Diego. 

One  of  the  greatest  tragedies  in  mission  his- 
tory occurred  in  1812  at  San  Juan  Capistrano.  It 
was  Sunday  morning  and  the  people  including 
hundreds  of  dusky  neophytes,  had  gathered  in 
the  beautiful  church  which  was  the  pride  of  all 
the  missions.  In  the  midst  of  the  service,  came 
a rumble  and  then  a crash.  The  stones  and  tim- 


100 


The  Story  of  California 

bers  of  the  roof  came  crushing  upon  the  helpless 
worshippers  who  fled  in  wild  dismay  from  the 
doomed  building.  In  a few  minutes  the  earth- 
quake was  over  but  it  had  done  its  work,  destroy- 
ing forever  the  finest  piece  of  mission  architecture 
in  California,  and  there  lay  buried  beneath  its 
ruins  the  bodies  of  forty  of  those  who  helped  to 
build  it. 

The  era  of  Mexican  independence  made  the 
lot  of  the  neophytes  still  harder,  for  by  this  sever- 
ance of  the  ties  which  bound  New  Spain  to  the 
Old,  the  strong  central  guiding  authority  of  the 
missions  was  relaxed.  The  friars  became  more 
and  more  sensible  of  their  inability  longer  to 
maintain  their  position.  Heavier  and  heavier 
grew  the  burdens  and  less  and  less  the  compen- 
sations of  the  unfortunate  neophytes.  These 
wrongs  became  so  unbearable  that  in  1824,  a 
widespread  revolt  took  place.  This  movement 
had  its  inception  at  Santa  Inez  Mission  but  plans 
had  evidently  been  widely  laid,  for  it  immediately 
broke  out  at  others  of  the  central  establishments 
and  many  lives  were  sacrificed  before  it  was  finally 
quelled. 

Because  of  the  many  substantial  things  the  mis- 
sion system  accomplished  it  is  very  generally  con- 
ceded to  have  been  a success;  but  the  standard  of 
success  in  such  matters  is  not  the  amount  accom- 
plished but  the  degree  in  which  the  original  pur- 
poses have  been  carried  out.  Measured  by  this 


Courtesy  of  Arthur  R.  Renton 

(From  The  Architect  and  Engineer) 


-^Frmmi  Fmte  m 

SCHOOL 


101^ 


standard  the  mission  system,  like  the  other  two 
instruments  of  Spanish  occupation,  was  a failure. 
The  original  purpose  of  these  establishments  was 
to  teach,  civilize,  and  christianize  the  Indians  and 
to  fit  them  for  citizenship  in  the  Spanish  colonies 
of  Alta  California.  At  no  point  in  mission  his- 
tory was  this  purpose  near  accomplishment.  The 
Indians  never  became  fitted  for  citizenship  in  the 
slightest  degree.  The  moment  they  were  freed 
from  the  paternal  control  of  the  missions  they 
lapsed  into  their  primitive  barbarism,  retaining 
only  the  vices  they  had  learned  from  their  contact 
with  civilization. 

While  the  missions  must  be  judged  a failure, 
and  the  correctness  of  this  view  is  confirmed  by 
the  fact  that  there  lives  today  no  single  outgrowth 
of  the  mission  system  in  the  life  of  the  common- 
wealth, they  must  nevertheless  be  given  not  only 
credit  but  praise  for  the  great  things  they  did  ac- 
complish for  their  own  day.  They  secured  the 
first  foothold  of  modern  civilization  in  what  is 
now  California.  They  kept  in  subjection  with 
the  help  of  a ridiculously  small  military  force,  a 
vast  savage  population.  They  built  up  a produc- 
tive agriculture  which  for  years  was  the  only 
source  of  supply  for  the  thousands  of  souls  who 
made  Spanish  California  their  home.  They 
formed  the  central  feature  of  a community  whose 
culture  seems  strange  in  our  day,  but  whose  domi- 
nant feature  was  as  a rule  a serene  contentment  on. 


102 


The  Siori y of  California 


the  part  of  its  almost  every  member.  There  is 
much  that  is  consoling  to  be  found  in  a failure 
which  brings  in  its  train  such  achievements  as 
these. 


CHAPTER  X 

THE  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA 1812-1841 

T T will  be  remembered  that  one  of  the  reasons 
which  prompted  the  King  of  Spain  to  order  the 
occupation  of  Alta  California  was  the  fear  that 
the  Russians,  who  were  at  that  time  working  their 
way  across  Bering  Strait  on  to  the  American  con- 
tinent, would  take  possession  of  the  country  for 
themselves.  It  was  not  until  1798,  however,  that 
an  organized  body  of  Russians  appeared  in  Alaska. 
In  that  year  the  Russian  American  Fur  Company 
was  formed  with  headquarters  at  Sitka.  At  the 
time  of  its  formation  Russia  and  Spain  were  at 
war,  and  it  was  not  until  four  years  later  that 
peace  was  declared  between  the  two  countries. 

Count  Nicolai  Petrovich  Rezanof  was  at  the 
head  of  the  Alaskan  establishment,  and  when  the 
news  of  peace  was  received  he  determined  to  open 
trade  relations  with  the  Spanish  Californians  and 
for  that  purpose  to  establish  a station  on  the 
lower  coast.  It  is  possible  that  he  had  in  mind 
the  acquisition  of  territory  for  his  sovereign,  but 
there  is  nothing  upon  which  an  assertion  to  that 
effect  can  be  based.  In  1806  he  sailed  as  far 
south  as  San  Francisco  Bay  and  entered  into  ne- 


104 


The  Story  of  California 


gotiations  with  the  comandante  at  that  port  for 
permission  to  trade  with  the  people.  It  was 
against  the  royal  regulations  for  the  Californians 
to  trade  with  anybody  and  of  course  Arguello,  the 
comandante,  could  do  nothing  official  toward 
granting  Rezanof’s  wish. 

The  Russian,  however,  was  determined  to  suc- 
ceed. The  commandant  had  a daughter,  Doha 
Concepcion,  who  was  a very  charming  young 
woman  and  the  Count  was  an  affable  man.  Be- 
fore long  an  attachment  sprang  up  which  soon 
ripened  into  an  engagement.  Incidentally  the 
father  winked  at  the  commercial  transactions 
which  were  being  carried  on  under  his  very  eyes 
between  the  vessel  of  his  prospective  son-in-law 
and  the  people  of  his  district.  His  anger  was 
not  even  aroused  when  the  foreigners  took  otter 
in  great  numbers  in  the  very  bay  of  San  Francisco. 
This  practice  was  of  course  strictly  prohibited,  but 
perhaps  the  commandant  thought  it  was  not  worth 
while  to  protest,  especially  when  he  had  no  boats 
with  which  to  prevent  it.  His  cargo  disposed  of, 
Count  Rezanof  sailed  away  to  the  north  leaving 
his  betrothed  to  await  his  return.  This  was  des- 
tined never  to  take  place  for  he  was  recalled  to 
Saint  Petersburg  and  died  on  his  way  across 
Siberia.  It  was  never  known,  therefore,  whether 
his  infatuation  for  Doha  Concepcion  was  genuine 
or  entirely  for  commercial  ends.  The  young 
woman,  however,  remained  true  to  her  Russian 


The  Russians  in  California  105 

lover  and  never  married,  though  she  lived  for 
many  years. 

Six  years  after  the  visit  of  Rezanof,  the  Rus- 
sians purchased  from  the  Indians  for  “ three 
blankets,  three  pairs  of  breeches,  three  hoes,  two 
axes  and  some  trinkets  ” a site  on  the  shores  of 
Bodega  Bay  about  fifty  miles  north  of  San  Fran- 
cisco. Nearly  twenty  years  before,  in  1793,  the 
Spaniards  had  made  an  abortive  attempt  to  es- 
tablish a colony  on  this  same  spot  but  their  ex- 
pedition amounted  to  little  more  than  a recon- 
noissance.  The  Russians  were  more  successful  and 
actually  established  a settlement. 

Their  principal  stronghold  in  California  was 
still  further  north  at  what  became  known  as  Fort 
Ross,  and  was  founded  September  10,  1812.  The 
Russian  governor  took  up  his  official  residence 
there  and  it  soon  became  quite  a thriving  settle- 
ment. The  town  was  situated  on  a table  land 
about  ten  or  twelve  miles  north  of  the  mouth  of 
the  Russian  River,  on  the  top  of  a high  bluff  on 
the  seacoast,  and  in  its  rear  were  deep  ravines. 
This  made  it  difficult  of  access  from  any  direction, 
and  therefore  easily  protected  from  hostile  na- 
tives. 

The  fort  itself  was  a rectangular  stockade  about 
250  by  300  feet  and  constructed  of  thick  beams 
set  upright  in  the  ground  with  cross  beams  along 
the  top,  which  was  from  twelve  to  fifteen  feet 
from  the  ground.  The  top  was  spiked  and  loop- 


10G  The  Story  of  California 

holes  were  frequent.  At  opposite  corners  were 
two  hexagonal  towers  upon  which  cannon  were 
mounted.  Within  the  stockade  were  located  the 
commander’s  house,  the  officers’  quarters,  bar- 
racks, chapel,  storehouses  and  offices.  Some  of 
these  buildings  were  two  stories  in  height  and 
the  commander’s  house  was  even  furnished  with 
glass  windows.  The  chapel  was  decorated  with 
oil  paintings  and  all  the  buildings  presented  a 
neat  and  well-kept  appearance.  The  whole  struc- 
ture was  of  redwood  with  the  exception  of  a few 
adobe  huts  occupied  by  natives.  It  was  easily  the 
strongest  post  in  California  and  need  not  have 
feared  any  attack  which  either  Indians  or  Spanish 
Californians  could  have  brought  against  it.  It 
was  however  never  attacked.  Surrounding  the 
fort  proper  were  many  huts  of  the  Aleuts  and 
natives,  which  they  made  an  effort  to  keep  clean 
in  imitation  of  the  Russians.  Also  there  were 
wind-mill,  farm-buildings,  granaries,  cattle-yards, 
tannery  and  buildings  for  other  industries. 

The  settlement  itself  on  the  material  side  was 
a very  creditable  establishment,  which  is  the  more 
remarkable  in  view  of  the  personnel  of  the  settlers. 
The  men,  with  the  exception  of  the  officers,  were 
of  a low  and  often  of  the  criminal  class:  it  was 
necessary  at  all  times  to  maintain  the  strictest  dis- 
cipline in  order  that  the  settlement  should  be  quiet 
and  orderly.  Except  for  a few  officers’  wives  in 
later  years,  no  Russian  women  came  to  the  settle- 


The  Russians  in  California 


107 


ment  at  all.  The  settlers  and  Aleuts  intermarried 
to  some  extent  with  the  native  women. 

On  the  religious  side  there  was  a strong  con- 
trast with  the  Spanish  settlements  to  the  south 
which  were  wholly  dominated  by  the  priesthood 
and  its  institutions.  The  Russian  colony  had  not 
even  a regular  chaplain  or  priest,  but  one  of  the 
officers  was  authorized  to  administer  the  sacra- 
ments of  baptism,  marriage  and  burial.  Rome 
and  Constantinople  had  made  their  way  around 
the  world  in  opposite  directions  to  meet  again  on 
the  shores  of  the  Pacific,  and  in  religious  propa- 
gandism  at  least,  Rome  had  shown  herself  far 
superior. 

The  ostensible  object  of  these  settlements  by 
the  Russians  was  to  provide  agricultural  products 
for  the  Fur  Company  in  Alaska.  Whether  Rus- 
sia wished  to  acquire  large  territories  in  Cali- 
fornia we  have  no  means  of  knowing.  During 
the  Mexican  revolution  she  had  a splendid  op- 
portunity to  do  so,  but  no  attempt  was  made  to 
take  advantage  of  it.  Still  later,  in  1835,  Wran- 
gell, the  Russian  commander,  tried  to  secure  more 
territory  by  negotiation  with  the  Californians. 
Permission  was  granted  him  to  erect  a warehouse 
at  Sausalito,  but  he  was  unsuccessful  in  his  at- 
tempt to  acquire  more  territory. 

Whatever  the  Russian  design  was  in  the  mat- 
ter, the  Spaniards  were  firm  in  their  own  belief 
that  the  acquisition  of  territory  was  their  object. 


. 

108  The  Story  of  California 

In  order  to  prevent  the  Russian  advance  to  the 
southward  two  new  missions  were  erected  north 
of  San  Francisco  Bay.  These  were  San  Rafael 
(1817)  and  San  Francisco  Solano  at  Sonoma 
(1823).  The  Spanish  authorities  stoutly  pro- 
tested that  the  establishment  of  these  missions  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  Russian  settlements.  They 
had  frequently  ordered  the  Russians  to  leave 
Spanish  territory  but  had  never  been  able  to  en- 
force the  orders  and  naturally  did  not  wish  to 
admit  that  they  had  to  call  upon  the  missionaries 
to  furnish  means  for  preventing  further  encroach- 
ments. They  gave  out  as  the  real  reason  for  the 
move  the  unhealthfulness  of  the  San  Francisco 
peninsula  and  the  desire  for  a better  location, 
stating  that  if  Fort  Ross  was  thought  of  at  all 
in  connection  with  the  founding  of  the  northern 
missions  it  was  only  as  an  available  market  for 
their  produce. 

At  any  rate  trade  immediately  sprang  up  be- 
tween the  colonists  of  the  two  nations,  though 
all  sorts  of  subterfuges  had  to  be  employed  to 
circumvent  the  authorities  in  their  attempts  to 
enforce  the  restrictions  against  trade.  Commer- 
cial relations  were  not  to  be  stopped  however; 
they  were  an  economic  necessity.  The  Russians 
needed  the  agricultural  products  of  their  southern 
neighbors  who  found  no  less  desirable  the  manu- 
factured products  of  the  northerners  which  had 
become  quite  extensive  and  varied.  The  prin- 


The  Russians  in  California  109 


cipal  materials  were  wood,  iron  and  leather,  and 
practically  all  of  the  output  went  to  supply  the 
California  market.  Several  boats  were  built  for 
Spanish  officers  and  friars.  Timber  and  tules  were 
sent  south  and  even  to  the  Sandwich  Islands. 
Pitch  and  meat  were  shipped  to  Alaska  in  home 
made  barrels.  Because  of  the  very  limited  mar- 
ket however  these  industries  were  more  useful 
than  profitable. 

The  profits  of  the  fur  trade,  while  reported 
large,  were  never  good  except  for  a few  years. 
The  agricultural  development  was  never  suffi- 
ciently successful  to  more  than  supply  the  home 
demand.  No  attempt  whatever  was  made  to 
occupy  and  cultivate  the  vast  fertile  lands  of  the 
interior.  The  reason  for  this  was  probably  two- 
fold: the  danger  from  Indian  attack  and  the  in- 
evitable antagonism  which  such  a course  would 
have  met  from  the  Spanish-Californians.  The 
latter  was  the  more  serious  because  it  might  have 
resulted  in  the  loss  of  the  California  trade,  which 
was  the  chief  source  of  profit  to  the  struggling 
colony. 

Even  as  it  was,  the  jealousy  of  the  southerners 
was  never  overcome.  In  1835  Father  Jose  Guiter- 
rez  complained  of  the  “ Russians  and  Anglo- 
Americans.”  This  led  Governor  Figueroa  to  des- 
patch General  Mariano  Vallejo  to  Fort  Ross  to 
investigate.  He  reported  700  horses,  800  cattle, 
2000  sheep  and  60  swine  as  comprising  the  live- 


110 


The  Story  of  California 

stock  of  the  colony.  Two  small  mills,  a primitive 
shipyard  and  a tannery  constituted  the  industrial 
plant.  Governor  Figueroa  had  entrusted  General 
Vallejo  with  messages  of  good  will  to  the  Rus- 
sians, which  were  no  doubt  delivered  with  all  the 
suavity  and  exaggerated  politeness  of  the  early 
Californian  character,  but  in  his  report  to  the 
Governor  upon  his  return,  Vallejo  denounces  the 
settlers  as  intruders  and  violators  of  the  law  of 
nations. 

In  spite  of  great  efforts  the  Russian  settlement 
was  not  destined  to  thrive,  and  four  years  more 
sufficed  to  starve  it  out.  It  had  never  been  pros- 
perous and  was  never  a serious  menace  to  the 
Spanish  or  Mexican  possessions.  In  1839  °f 
the  personal  property  of  the  settlement  was  sold 
to  Captain  John  A.  Sutter  for  his  colony  at  what 
is  now  Sacramento.  The  Captain  paid  for  them 
by  means  of  notes  which  were  far  beyond  his 
ability  to  pay,  and  after  two  years  of  waiting  the 
Russians  left  California  never  to  return. 


CHAPTER  XI 


THE  MEXICAN  REGIME 1822-1847 


HE  kindly  despotism  of  the  friars  had  been  the 


dominating  influence  in  California  throughout 
the  Spanish  period.  But  it  did  not  take  long  after 
the  change  in  political  masters  for  the  spirit  of 
republicanism  to  pervade  the  hitherto  quiet  dis- 
tricts of  the  Spanish  province.  Almost  simulta- 
neously with  the  acknowledgment  of  the  sover- 
eignty of  Mexico,  the  center  of  influence  in  the 
province  shifted  from  the  missions  to  the  towns. 
These  were  not  only  increasing  in  size  but  in 
number.  The  nonmilitary  residents  of  Monterey 
and  Santa  Barbara  were  organized  into  pueblos. 
Later  the  same  thing  was  done  at  San  Francisco. 
At  the  same  time  the  removal  of  trade  restrictions 
caused  a great  expansion  of  commerce  of  which 
the  towns  became  the  centers. 

The  missionaries  were  fully  aware  that  with 
the  substitution  of  a republican  for  a monarchial 
form  of  government,  it  became  only  a question  of 
time  when  they  must  be  deprived  of  all  secular 
power.  This  they  had  expected  under  the  crown 
of  Spain,  but  it  was  always  a far  off  and  vaguely 
possible  event  until  Iturbide’s  success  made  it  an 
imminent  probability.  Even  then  they  managed 

ill 


112 


The  Story  of  California 

to  put  off  the  fatal  day  and  to  enjoy  the  fruits 
of  their  labors  for  ten  years  after  the  establish- 
ment of  the  republic.  But  their  star  was  waning 
and  while  actual  secularization  did  not  come  until 
1836,  the  pueblos  had  long  before  that  time  suc- 
ceeded the  missions  as  the  dominating  factor  in 
the  province. 

The  conditions  existing  in  these  embryo  cities 
have  already  been  described  to  some  extent,  and 
it  will  readily  be  imagined  that  this  change  of  in- 
fluence was  not  fraught  with  any  great  good  for 
the  country.  The  advent  of  republicanism,  or 
rather  the  unfortunate  circumstances  that  in  this 
case  accompanied  it,  converted  the  always  turbu- 
lent and  unruly  pueblos  into  hot-beds  of  unrest, 
disorder,  and  even  open  rebellion.  The  annual 
quota  of  supplies  and  pay  for  the  army,  already 
dwindling  under  the  last  few  years  of  Spanish 
rule,  failed  altogether  under  the  republic.  The 
troops  stationed  in  California  were  reduced  al- 
most to  a state  of  vagabondage.  Upon  them  fell 
the  full  burden  of  the  change  of  fortune.  The 
increasing  commerce  enabled  the  pohlodores  and 
rancheros  to  tide  over  the  time  of  adversity  but 
the  soldier  had  nothing  to  which  he  could  turn 
his  hand. 

Another  source  of  never  ending  trouble  to  the 
authorities  was  the  constantly  increasing  tendency 
of  the  Mexican  government  to  use  California  as 
a penal  colony.  Criminals  were  sent  to  the  prov- 


The  Mexican  Regime 


113 


ince  from  all  parts  of  the  republic.  This  policy 
naturally  provoked  much  antagonism  on  the  part 
of  the  provincials.  It  gave  birth  to  a feeling  of 
bitterness  against  the  home  government  which 
grew  steadily,  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  easy 
acquisition  of  the  country  by  the  United  States 
twenty  years  later. 

With  a large  number  of  unpaid  and  idle  soldiers 
in  a state  of  mutiny  as  material  upon  which  hard- 
ened criminals  could  work,  it  was  not  long  before 
serious  disturbances  broke  out.  Joaquin  Solis 
was  an  exiled  criminal  who  had  been  sent  to  Mon- 
terey. He  gathered  about  him  a large  number  of 
malcontents  and  placing  himself  at  their  head  set 
out  to  take  matters  into  his  own  hands.  The 
revolt  assumed  large  proportions  and  for  a time 
all  of  the  northern  settlements,  including  Monterey 
and  San  Francisco,  were  in  rebel  hands.  Finally 
Governor  Echeandia,  who  had  arrived  as  the  ap- 
pointee of  the  new  republic,  succeeded  with  a 
great  deal  of  difficulty,  but  without  battles  or 
bloodshed,  in  restoring  order. 

The  new  governor  had  unconsciously  set  in  mo- 
tion a new  disintegrating  force  by  stopping  at  San 
Diego  on  his  arrival  in  California  and  announcing 
his  intention  of  making  that  his  residence.  There 
was  no  official  transfer  of  the  capital,  but  as  in 
those  days  the  governor  was  the  government,  the 
southerners  were  prone  to  consider  their  city  as 
the  seat  of  authority.  One  has  only  to  call  to 


114 


The  Story  of  California 


mind  the  intense  jealousy  between  various  sections 
of  many  of  the  commonwealths  of  our  own  day 
to  realize  the  feelings  of  the  Monterenos  at  this 
uncalled  for  step.  The  seeds  of  sectional  rivalry 
were  sown  and  it  took  but  a short  time  for  them 
to  grow  and  bear  fruit. 

We  have  seen  how  little  the  people  of  Cali- 
fornia felt  the  throes  of  the  revolutions  and  coun- 
ter-revolutions which  took  place  in  Mexico  before 
the  republic  was  finally  established.  For  all  the 
difference  it  made  to  them  these  internal  disturb- 
ances might  just  as  well  have  been  taking  place 
in  a foreign  land.  But  disorder  and  unrest  at 
the  center  must  have  had  its  effect,  nervous  or 
psychological,  upon  the  outlying  districts.  Be- 
fore 1831  California  was  the  most  peaceful  corner 
of  the  inhabited  world.  After  that  there  were 
few  months  of  the  Mexican  era  during  which  some 
part  of  the  territory  was  not  in  a more  or  less 
open  state  of  rebellion. 

Echeandia  was  succeeded  in  January,  1831,  by 
Manuel  Victoria  and  the  seat  of  government,  ac- 
tual as  well  as  legal,  again  shifted  to  the  north 
and  Monterey  came  back  into  its  own.  But  the 
southerners  immediately  discovered  that  they  were 
oppressed  by  the  new  governor,  and  under  the 
leadership  of  Echeandia,  who  had  remained  in 
the  country,  they  rebelled.  The  governor  started 
south  to  quell  the  disturbance  with  an  “ army  ” 
of  thirty  men.  He  was  met  in  the  pass  of  Ca- 


115 


The  Mexican  Regime 

huenga  northwest  of  Los  Angeles  by  about  150 
men  from  that  city  and  San  Diego.  Avila,  a 
leader  of  the  southern  forces,  rode  at  the  north- 
erners with  his  lance  poised.  Pacheco,  one  of 
Victoria’s  aides,  rode  out  to  meet  him.  In  the 
charge  they  were  carried  by  each  other.  Avila 
wheeled,  drew  his  pistol,  and  shot  Pacheco  through 
the  heart.  Turning  again,  he  rushed  at  the  gov- 
ernor. Victoria,  though  sustaining  a severe 
wound  himself,  unhorsed  his  antagonist  and  ran 
his  sword  through  his  body.  This  was  all  the 
fighting  which  occurred  at  the  battle  of  Cahuenga, 
for  the  wounded  governor  retired  and  shortly 
afterward  surrendered.  Echeandia  sent  him  back 
to  Mexico.  Thus  ended  the  first  revolution  and 
the  first  fight  between  men  of  Spanish  extraction 
on  California  soil. 

But  the  end  of  the  first  revolution  and  of  the 
first  fight  did  not  mean  the  restoration  of  author- 
ity, although  peace  was  restored  for  the  time. 
Echeandia  claimed  to  be  governor  and  was  sup- 
ported by  the  south,  while  in  the  north,  Augustin 
V.  Zamorano  was  proclaimed  as  the  head  of  the 
government.  The  attempts  of  these  two  to  ac- 
quire undisputed  possession  of  the  coveted  prize 
might  have  resulted  in  bloodshed  had  not  their 
hostile  armies  very  carefully  avoided  each  other. 
The  leaders  finally  agreed  to  divide  the  territory 
between  them  until  a successor  to  Victoria  should 


116 


The  Story  of  California 


arrive  from  Mexico.  The  year  1832,  therefore, 
passed  in  tense  peace  and  quiet. 

California  as  a territory  of  the  new  republic 
was  entitled  to  a representative,  or  disputado,  in 
the  Mexican  Congress.  This  official  was  merely 
a lobbyist  and  had  no  vote  in  that  body.  The 
disputado  at  this  time  was  Carlos  Carillo,  a man 
of  large  plans  in  which  he  and  his  friends  were 
to  act  important  parts.  To  the  Congress  he  had 
loudly  sung  the  praises  of  the  Californians  as  a 
law-abiding  population,  and  imagined  himself  on 
the  eve  of  securing  tremendous  benefits  for  his 
constituents,  when  the  news  of  the  Echeandia  re- 
volt arrived  to  disturb  his  dreams  and  bring  his 
work  to  naught. 

None  of  the  changes  in  the  form  of  the  ter- 
ritorial government,  sought  by  Carillo,  were 
made,  and  Jose  Figueroa  was  despatched  to  Cali- 
fornia to  assume  the  governorship  and  end  the 
two-headed  interregnum.  He  arrived  in  the  early 
part  of  1833  and  immediately  began  to  send  to 
Mexico  letters  descriptive  of  the  terribly  disor- 
dered state  of  the  country.  These  were  followed 
by  others’  telling  of  his  own  tact  and  diplomacy  in 
overcoming  the  disturbance,  which  had  really  ex- 
isted only  in  his  own  mind.  One  thing  he  did 
which  had  a far-reaching  effect.  This  was  to  in- 
struct Guadalupe  Vallejo  to  establish  a garrison, 
town,  and  colony  in  the  Sonoma  Valley.  This 
post  became  the  extreme  northern  settlement  of 


The  Mexican  Regime 


117 


the  country  and  was  destined  to  play  a picturesque 
part  in  later  events. 

In  1835  the  disputado  in  the  Mexican  Congress 
secured  an  order  making  Los  Angeles  the  capital 
of  California  Territory  and  the  sectional  struggle 
was  at  once  renewed.  Great  was  the  excitement 
and  disgust  among  the  good  people  of  Monterey. 
They  presented  a long  array  of  what  were  to 
them  unanswerable  arguments  against  the  change. 
When  the  order  was  confirmed  they  refused  to 
submit  to  it.  This  might  have  resulted  in  further 
trouble  had  not  the  lack  of  public  spirit  among 
the  Angelenos,  who  refused  to  furnish  the  neces- 
sary buildings  to  house  the  government,  allowed 
the  matter  go  by  default.  Monterey  remained  the 
seat  of  authority. 

Feelings  antagonistic  to  Mexico  had  now  be- 
come so  strong  as  to  be  the  dominant  factor  in 
the  California  situation.  These  had  had  their  in- 
ception ten  years  before  in  the  earliest  days  of 
the  republic  when  the  supply  ships  ceased  to  ar- 
rive. It  was  felt  in  California  that  Mexico  was 
neglecting  the  province.  The  republican  govern- 
ment, even  after  it  became  firmly  established,  did 
nothing  to  allay  these  sentiments.  In  fact  as  we 
have  already  seen,  it  did  the  thing  which  was  most 
likely  to  increase  them,  in  sending  its  criminals 
to  the  territory.  The  feeling  of  antagonism,  fos- 
tered as  it  was  by  constant  criticism  of  the  officials 
of  the  government,  grew  into  an  assumption  of 


118 


The  Story  of  California 


superiority  on  the  part  of  the  Californians.  From 
this  it  was  an  easy  step  to  irritation  at  the  idea 
that  California  received  nothing  from  the  home 
government  and  yet  had  to  furnish  its  share  of 
the  taxes,  bear  with  an  alien  rule,  and  worst  of 
all  have  a Mexican,  instead  of  a Californian,  at 
the  head  of  the  local  government. 

Among  the  younger  and  abler  Californians  the 
conviction  was  widespread  that  the  territory  was 
amply  able  to  furnish  its  own  governor.  Noth- 
ing like  independence  was  thought  of  or  suggested 
but  it  was  determined  that  California  should  gov- 
ern itself  under  the  republic.  The  leader  of  this 
movement  was  Juan  Bautista  Alvarado.  Seconded 
to  some  extent  by  his  uncle,  Guadalupe  Vallejo, 
he  organized  the  “ rebel  ” forces  and  on  Novem- 
ber 5,  1836,  captured  Monterey,  the  “ enemy’s  ” 
capital,  without  bloodshed.  Carried  away  by  their 
success,  the  thought  of  a “ lone  star  flag  ” may 
have  flashed  through  the  victors’  minds.  But 
these  were  not  such  men  as  found  nations.  They 
were  able  men,  abounding  in  patriotism,  but  lack- 
ing in  experience,  and  they  were  content  to  es- 
tablish a local  government  for  California,  while 
acknowledging  their  allegiance  to  Mexico.  In 
this  they  did  well.  They  removed  from  the  head 
of  local  affairs  a Mexican  politician,  and  substi- 
tuted for  him  the  best  men  in  California. 

But  if  the  northerners  were  well  satisfied  with 
the  outcome  of  this  “ revolution,”  the  Califor- 


The  Mexican  Regime 


119 


nians  of  the  south  could  see  nothing  in  the  whole 
movement  but  vile  sedition.  As  a matter  of  fact 
they  were  no  more  loyal  to  Mexico  than  the  north- 
erners but  sectional  prejudice  was  too  strong  for 
them  to  approve  of  a northern  rebellion  by  north- 
ern men.  Los  Angeles  knew  that  the  new  arrange- 
ment would  not  bring  the  capital  to  the  south.  Its 
ayuntamiento  therefore  vigorously  denounced  the 
acts  of  Alvarado  and  his  followers  as  violence  and 
treason.  This  denunciation  was  followed  by  an 
invitation  to  the  other  southern  towns  to  send 
representatives  to  Los  Angeles  to  consider  the 
situation.  In  this  patriotic  purpose  the  ambitious 
southern  metropolis  met  with  the  disapproval  of 
Santa  Barbara.  The  people  of  this  enterprising 
community  had  a plan  of  their  own  for  saving 
the  country.  Their  idea  was  to  have  a meeting 
at  Santa  Barbara  of  representatives  from  all  parts 
of  the  territory  and  to  lay  aside  sectional  differ- 
ences. While  there  is  nothing  in  the  public  rec- 
ords to  that  effect,  it  is  hardly  probable  that  the 
good  citizens  of  the  channel  city  had  overlooked 
the  fact  that  their  situation  was  central  to  all  parts 
of  the  state  and  their  city  would  have  made  a 
splendid  place  for  a compromise  capital. 

But  no  more  came  of  Santa  Barbara’s  invita- 
tion than  of  that  of  Los  Angeles,  and  Alvarado, 
hearing  of  the  counter-revolt  in  the  south,  was 
on  his  way  to  quell  it  with  twenty-five  men. 
When  he  reached  Santa  Barbara  that  city  very 


120 


The  Story  of  California 


courteously  dropped  her  aspirations  for  leader- 
ship and  furnished  him  with  reinforcements  so 
that  he  departed  for  Los  Angeles  with  his  army 
augmented  to  a host  of  no  soldiers.  On  receiv- 
ing the  news  of  the  approach  of  this  armament  the 
citizens  of  the  Angel  City  pondered.  They  were 
very  patriotic  in  their  loyalty  to  Mexico  but  they 
were  also  extremely  practical  in  the  outward  ex- 
pression of  that  loyalty.  They  were  fond  of  ne- 
gotiation, diplomacy  and  bluster,  but  they  cared 
not  at  all  for  blows.  So  they  very  sensibly  de- 
cided that  if  Alvarado  really  wanted  to  be  gov- 
ernor enough  to  come  clear  down  to  their  gates 
to  acquire  the  office  they  might  as  well  let  him 
have  it.  Alvarado  entered  the  city  peaceably  and 
the  counter-revolution  was  subdued  without  so 
much  as  a bruised  head. 

Such  was  the  situation  when  news  was  received 
from  Mexico  that  the  government  which  had  been 
established  in  1824  had  been  superseded  by  the 
constitutional  laws  of  1836.  The  new  regime 
was  promptly  and  cheerfully  accepted  in  the  ter- 
ritory, and  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  new  gov- 
ernment taken  amid  the  great  public  rejoicing 
which  was  customary  when  Mexican  California 
swore  perpetual  allegiance  and  undying  loyalty  to 
a new  government. 

The  lull  in  the  storm  of  California  politics 
which  was  caused  by  Alvarado’s  prompt  action 
and  the  acceptance  of  the  new  sovereignty  was 


The  Mexican  Regime  121 

not  destined  to  last  long.  October  30,  1837,  the 
news  reached  Monterey  that  Carlos  Carillo,  the 
erstwhile  disputado,  had  been  appointed  provi- 
sional governor.  The  southerners  immediately  ac- 
cepted the  new  official  because  he  was  one  of 
themselves,  but  Alvarado  did  not  see  fit  to  turn 
his  office  over  to  him,  and  in  this  stand  he  was 
supported  by  the  northerners.  California  again 
had  two  governors.  Carillo  opened  hostilities 
and  Alvarado  sent  Jose  Castro,  his  general,  south 
to  quell  this  new  rebellion.  The  opposing  forces 
met  at  San  Buenaventura,  March  28,  1838,  with 
about  100  men  on  each  side.  After  two  days  of 
continuous  firing  one  man  was  reported  killed. 
Carillo’s  troops,  not  being  able  to  withstand  this 
slaughter,  broke  and  fled.  About  seventy  men  were 
captured  in  the  flight,  all  of  whom  except  the  of- 
ficers were  immediately  freed.  Carillo  retired 
to  San  Diego  and  Alvarado’s  forces  again  occu- 
pied Los  Angeles. 

The  treaty  of  Las  Flores  suspended  hostilities 
a second  time.  The  Los  Angeles  ayuntamiento, 
which  almost  constantly  felt  itself  called  upon  to 
save  the  country  either  from  the  tyranny  of  the 
Mexican  government  or  the  madness  of  the  “ pa- 
triots ” of  the  north,  by  a splendid  exhibition  of 
political  agility  declared  Alvarado  to  have  been 
the  rightful  governor  all  along.  Carillo  did  not 
appreciate  this  and  started  a conspiracy  to  regain 
his  lost  governorship.  He  was  almost  immediately 


122 


The  Story  of  California 


arrested,  but  escaped  and  fled,  ignominiously  end- 
ing his  ambitious  career. 

Alvarado,  again  master  in  California,  had 
yet  to  reckon  with  Mexico.  He  was  a rebel  against 
his  country  and  guilty  of  treason.  If  the  self- 
appointed  governor  had  any  fears  on  this  subject, 
they  were  quieted  by  the  proclamation  of  general 
amnesty  which  arrived  in  California  in  November. 
This  proclamation  was  calculated  effectually  to 
put  an  end  to  the  rebellion  in  the  territory,  for  it 
concluded  by  appointing  the  chief  of  the  rebels, 
Alvarado  himself,  as  governor.  This  was  an  un- 
usual method  of  quelling  a rebellion  but  in  the 
present  instance  it  is  probable  that  no  better  move 
could  have  been  made.  The  time  was  ripe  for 
the  selection  of  a governor  from  California’s  own 
sons,  and  among  these  no  better  man  could  have 
been  found  than  Alvarado.  He  represented  the 
best  class  of  citizenship,  and  was  popular  among 
all  classes;  he  was  a young  man  of  considerable 
ability  and  his  administration  was  the  most  bril- 
liant of  any  during  the  Mexican  period. 

Its  most  important  feature  was  the  drawing  to- 
gether of  the  quarreling  factions  in  the  territory 
and  the  diffusion  of  a better  feeling  among  the 
people  of  the  different  sections.  The  matter  of 
the  location  of  the  capital  remained  a sore  sub- 
ject, however,  and  Alvarado  himself  stirred  up  a 
great  deal  of  antagonism  by  quarreling  with  his 
uncle,  Guadalupe  Vallejo,  who  had  been  made 


The  Mexican  Regime 


123 


commandant  of  the  military  forces  of  the  terri- 
tory. Both  claimed  the  supreme  authority  and 
each  was  loath  to  surrender  any  portion  of  his 
claim.  But  these  were  merely  unpleasant  inci- 
dents in  a successful  administration  of  six  years. 

Another  important  feature  of  this  administra- 
tion, and  one  which  constantly  assumed  more  im- 
portance as  the  years  went  by,  was  the  increasing 
influence  of  foreigners.  This  feature  inevitably 
led  to  the  question  of  the  probability  of  foreign 
interference  with  the  government  of  the  territory, 
or  even  its  conquest.  But  there  was  no  ill-feeling 
engendered,  and  no  excitement  followed  the  sug- 
gestion. The  foreigners  who  were  already  lo- 
cated in  the  country  desired  independence  hoping 
that  they  would  be  able  to  control  the  California 
rulers.  The  Californians  themselves  took  a very 
complacent  view  of  affairs,  “ smoked  cigarettes 
and  waited,  half-inclined  to  believe  that  a change 
of  flag  would  not  be  an  irreparable  disaster.”  * 
The  Mexican  government,  of  course,  took  a very 
different  view  and  opposed  with  all  the  means  at 
its  command  the  coming  of  foreigners  into  the 
territory,  especially  Americans.  But  the  efforts  of 
the  authorities  in  this  direction  were  practically 
nullified  by  the  action  of  the  Californians  them- 
selves, who  generally  welcomed  the  newcomers. 

Many  of  the  foreigners  in  the  territory,  how- 
ever, were  turbulent  and  disorderly,  and  also  the 

* Bancroft,  History  of  the  Pacific  Coast  States,  Vol.  XVI, 
p.  109. 


124 


The  Story  of  California 


undoubted  source  of  many  aggravations  to  the  au- 
thorities. This  particular  class  was  made  up  of 
adventurers  of  a low  type,  deserters  from  ves- 
sels, and  undesirable  members  of  other  communi- 
ties. 

Matters  were  in  this  state  when  an  incident 
occurred  which  caused  great  excitement  at  the 
time  and  nearly  brought  on  a war  between  Mex- 
ico and  the  United  States.  This  was  what  was 
known  as  the  “ Graham  Affair.”  The  facts  have 
been  so  differently  told  by  representatives  of  the 
opposing  interests  that  it  is  extremely  difficult  to 
arrive  at  the  truth. 

Isaac  Graham  was  an  American  who  had  taken 
up  his  residence  at  Monterey  where  he  was  en- 
gaged in  ranching  and  trading.  He  has  been  eu- 
logized and  denounced  until  it  is  impossible  to 
determine  his  real  character.  From  the  weight  of 
evidence  it  would  seem  that  he  was  a rough,  bully- 
ing fellow  of  the  lower  sort,  and  the  leader  of  a 
crowd  of  kindred  spirits.  While  it  has  not  been 
positively  proven,  there  is  a strong  probability 
that  this  aggregation  of  turbulent  men  was  con- 
cerned in  or  at  least  acquainted  with  several  plots 
to  overturn  the  government,  and  possibly  to  set 
California  free.  Governor  Alvarado  feared  them 
and  with  reason.  He  therefore  determined  to  rid 
the  country  of  them. 

Taking  advantage  of  a denunciation  of  the 
band  by  a William  Garner  to  the  effect  that  they 


The  Mexican  Regime 


125 


were  engaged  in  a plot  against  the  government, 
Alvarado  had  Graham  and  about  fifty  other  for- 
eigners seized  and  sent  to  San  Bias  as  prisoners. 
This  act  was  legally  indefensible,  but  it  seemed 
a necessity  and  it  is  noteworthy  that  the  better 
class  of  foreigners  residing  in  California  at  the 
time  found  no  fault  with  Alvarado’s  course.  They 
felt  that  while  it  was  technically  an  outrage, 
it  was  a legitimate  measure  of  self-protection. 
Twenty  of  the  men  arrested  were  afterward  freed, 
paid  a small  money  indemnity,  and  allowed  to 
return  to  California.  The  remainder  were  de- 
ported from  Mexico.  The  whole  affair  soon  took 
subordinate  place  in  the  press  of  more  stirring 
events. 

Foremost  among  these  was  the  arrival  in  1842 
at  Monterey  of  Commodore  Jones  of  the  United 
States  navy.  He  had  been  cruising  along  the 
Pacific  Coast  closely  watching  developments  in 
regard  to  California.  In  the  fall  he  received  word 
that  his  government  was  at  war  with  Mexico  and 
he  immediately  set  sail  for  the  capital  city  of  Cali- 
fornia, where  he  arrived  on  October  19.  At  four 
o’clock  in  the  afternoon  of  that  day  he  demanded 
the  surrender  of  the  city.  At  eleven  o’clock  the 
next  morning  fifteen  marines  were  landed  from 
his  vessel  with  instructions  to  raise  the  American 
flag  over  the  custom-house.  This  they  did  and 
declared  the  country  to  have  been  conquered  by 
the  United  States.  The  following  day,  however, 


126  The  Story  of  California 

Commodore  Jones  received  authentic  information 
that  war  had  not  been  declared.  Though  some- 
what crestfallen,  he  took  prompt  action  to  restore 
things  to  their  former  state  and  repair  the  damage 
he  had  done,  after  which  he  retired  with  a salute 
to  the  Mexican  flag. 

The  Jones  affair  was  merely  an  incident  and 
had  no  bearing  whatever  upon  the  situation  in 
California.  In  fact  it  had  no  other  effect  upon 
the  territory  than  to  furnish  an  opportunity  for 
Manuel  Micheltorena,  the  new  governor,  to  puff 
himself.  He  was  at  Los  Angeles  when  he  heard 
of  the  landing  of  Jones  at  Monterey  and  he  pro- 
ceeded at  once  to  make  a splendid  bluster  about 
“driving  the  Yankees  from  the  territory”  but 
at  the  same  time  he  was  very  careful  to  remain 
as  far  as  possible  from  the  scene  of  action.  When 
the  news  of  the  Commodore’s  retreat  was  received 
Micheltorena  in  all  frankness  ascribed  it  to  that 
officer’s  fear  of  his  valiant  army  and  their  more 
valiant  leader. 

This  much  vaunted  army  consisted  of  a large 
number  of  cholos  whom  Micheltorena  had 
brought  with  him  from  Mexico.  Most  of  them 
were  released  from  prison  to  go  with  him.  The 
governor  had  no  means  with  which  to  pay  them 
and  the  cholos  shifted  for  themselves  by  stealing 
from  the  citizens.  Los  Angeles  was  the  first 
city  which  was  afflicted  with  this  body  of  troops 
and  she  was  speedily  cured  of  her  ambition  to  be 


The  Mexican  Regime 


127 


the  capital  of  the  territory.  There  was  much 
rejoicing  when  the  governor  and  his  army  left 
for  the  north.  The  battalion  was  also  happy  for 
to  them  it  meant  leaving  a somewhat  worked  out 
district  for  new  and  more  productive  fields.  The 
only  part  of  the  population  who  were  not  pleased 
at  the  move  was  that  which  resided  at  Monterey. 
Nor  were  they  better  pleased  when  the  lack  of 
suitable  housing  for  his  officers  caused  the  gov- 
ernor to  quarter  them  upon  the  townspeople. 

These  things  combined  with  the  popular  hatred 
of  Mexican  control  and  the  ambition  of  some 
prominent  Californians  to  bring  about  a rebellion. 
Manuel  Castro  was  at  first  the  leader  of  the 
movement  and  its  ostensible  object  was  the  ex- 
pulsion of  the  cholos.  Alvarado  and  Pio  Pico,  a 
prominent  figure  in  the  southern  part  of  the  State, 
soon  joined  the  rebels,  who  gathered  an  army  of 
about  220  men.  Governor  Micheltorena  gra- 
ciously acceded  to  the  wishes  of  this  superior  force 
without  the  necessity  of  a battle  and  promised  to 
send  away  the  cholos  within  three  months.  This 
promise  was  as  readily  broken  as  given  and  its 
breach  gave  the  malcontents  an  opportunity  to 
turn  a movement  against  the  cholos  into  a move- 
ment against  him. 

Micheltorena  managed  to  gather  a force  of 
nearly  four  hundred  men  and  started  south  to 
crush  the  rebels.  But  the  rebels  did  not  wait  to 
be  crushed.  They  immediately  retreated.  In  thfe 


128 


The  Story  of  California 


pursuit  the  governor  was  careful  not  to  come 
within  a hundred  miles  of  them  until  the  rebels 
picked  up  courage  and  returned  from  Los  Angeles 
to  meet  him.  The  forces  mustered  about  an  equal 
number  of  men.  They  came  within  long  cannon 
range  of  each  other  at  Cahuenga,  the  scene  of  a 
previous  civil  conflict.  The  Mexicans  had  three 
cannon  and  the  Californians  two.  Heavy  can- 
nonading from  these  batteries  continued  through- 
out the  afternoon,  but  as  both  armies  kept  in  close 
shelter  under  the  banks  of  the  Los  Angeles  River, 
little  damage  was  done.  A Mexican  horse’s  head 
was  shot  off  and  a Californian  mule  was  injured 
by  the  flying  debris.  During  the  night  some  flank- 
ing was  attempted  which  brought  the  armies  to- 
gether again  the  next  morning  at  Verdugo.  For 
almost  two  hours  the  cannonading  was  again  in- 
dulged in  without  visible  result,  when  Michel- 
torena  raised  the  white  flag  and  proposed  a capitu- 
lation. This  was  accepted  by  the  rebels  and  the 
erstwhile  governor  was  unceremoniously  shipped 
out  of  the  country. 

Pio  Pico,  as  senior  vocal  of  the  junto,  had  been 
declared  governor  ad  interim.  Los  Angeles  again 
became  the  capital,  though  the  northern  officials 
seldom  graced  it  with  their  presence.  This  re- 
sulted in  a renewal  of  the  old  sectional  quarrel 
in  all  its  former  strength.  It  was  augmented  by 
the  personal  antagonism  which  existed  between 
Pico  and  Jose  Castro,  the  military  commandant  at 


The  Mexican  Regime 


129 


Monterey.  Pico  was  no  man  to  control  the  situ- 
ation or  to  retain  the  confidence  of  either  party. 
He  had  steered  his  course  too  long  by  the  star 
of  personal  advantage  to  give  any  one  reason  to 
trust  in  his  disinterestedness  under  the  present 
circumstances.  His  rule  was  one  of  increasing 
turbulence  and  was  almost  a constant  round  of 
riots  and  incipient  rebellions  which  amounted  to 
nothing,  more  because  of  their  own  lack  of  organi- 
zation than  from  any  inherent  strength  in  the 
government. 


CHAPTER  XII 


THE  SECULARIZATION  OF  THE  MISSIONS 
HILE  the  Franciscans  in  the  face  of  vex- 


ing problems,  which  they  were  called  upon 
to  solve,  assumed  practically  every  outward  sign 
of  ownership,  and  though  the  Indians  might  have 
wondered  just  how  much  their  interests  took 
priority  over  that  of  their  trustees,  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  of  all  the  vast  domains  that  were 
subject  to  the  sway  of  the  California  missions  at 
the  height  of  their  power,  not  one  acre  was  claimed 
as  belonging  to  the  Order  or  any  of  its  members. 
These  lands  were  the  property  of  the  Indians. 
The  friars  never  entirely  forgot  that  they  were 
missionaries  and  that  some  day  they  must  move  on 
to  new  fields.  But  the  one  great  conclusion  to 
which  they  could  never  bring  their  minds  was 
that  the  time  had  arrived  for  a change.  They  al- 
ways declared  that  the  neophytes  were  not  ready 
for  citizenship,  whether  the  establishment  which 
it  was  proposed  to  secularize  was  five  or  fifty 
years  old.  And  their  contention  was  always  true, 
though  its  declaration  involved  a confession  of 
the  failure  of  the  mission  system. 

But  such  a confession  contained  no  news  for 


130 


The  Secularization  of  the  Missions  131 

those  familiar  with  conditions  at  the  mission  es- 
tablishments. The  Indians  were  wholly  unfit  for 
self-government  or  even  to  care  for  themselves. 
In  1800  the  death  rate  amounted  to  fifty  per 
cent  of  the  baptisms,  while  in  1810  it  ran  as  high 
as  seventy-two  per  cent.  At  Purisima  in  the  latter 
year  Payeras  reported  that  most  Indian  mothers 
gave  birth  to  dead  infants.  Throughout  the  prov- 
ince the  ratio  of  deaths  to  births  among  the  In- 
dians was  as  three  to  two. 

Governor  Borica,  while  trying  to  find  a way  to 
better  conditions,  named  four  causes  for  this  back- 
ward state  of  affairs.  First,  the  loss  of  freedom, 
as  the  natives  in  their  former  state  had  been  un- 
der no  subjection  whatever.  Second,  insufficient 
food.  Third,  filthy  conditions  of  body  and  abode. 
Fourth,  the  coralling  of  all  the  women  at  night 
into  narrow  and  ill-ventilated  quarters.  These 
latter  he  described  as  so  foul  that  he  could  not  en- 
dure them  for  a single  minute. 

The  friars’  reply  to  this  somewhat  sweeping  in- 
dictment was  to  invite  comparison  of  the  mission 
Indian  with  his  gentile  brother,  a comparison 
which  they  always  made  in  favor  of  the  former. 
They  found  more  difficulty  however  in  answering 
the  charge  of  Governor  Sola  that  the  neophytes 
were  lazy,  indolent,  and  disregardful  of  authority, 
costing  millions  of  pesos  annually  with  no  recom- 
pense to  the  body  politic.  This  they  could  only 
deny,  and  try  to  extract  from  the  real  situation 


132 


The  Story  of  California 


some  support  for  their  position  that  the  Indians 
were  not  yet  ready  for  secularization. 

Nevertheless  the  friars  knew  that  seculariza- 
tion must  come,  always  kept  the  impending  event 
in  mind  and  tried  to  keep  themselves  in  the  best 
position  to  meet  it  when  it  should  come.  The  dis- 
position which  was  made  of  the  increasing  wealth 
of  the  missions  has  always  been  and  still  is  a 
mystery.  Not  all  of  it  was  used  in  California, 
and  the  conclusion  is  almost  inevitable  that  it 
went  where  it  would  do  the  most  good  for  the  ad- 
vancement of  the  interests  of  the  Franciscan  Or- 
der and  would  be  available  for  its  use  in  its  ap- 
proaching dark  days. 

The  subject  of  secularization  aroused  concern 
in  1783,  before  San  Diego  Mission  was  fifteen 
years  old.  Bishop  Reyes  came  to  California  with 
full  authority  to  organize  the  missions  into  a cus- 
tody. The  College  of  San  Fernando,  the  Fran- 
ciscan institution  which  was  the  parent  of  all  the 
California  missions,  succeeded  in  postponing  ac- 
tion at  that  time  and  the  matter  dropped  for 
nearly  thirty  years.  But  though  dormant,  it  was 
not  forgotten.  The  friars  continued  to  strengthen 
their  position  against  it  and  yet  to  prepare  them- 
selves for  it. 

September  13,  1813,  the  Cortes  of  Spain  passed 
a decree  which  provided  that  all  missions  in 
America  that  had  been  founded  ten  years  or  more 
should  be  delivered  over  to  the  bishop  at  once. 


The  Secularization  of  the  Missions'  133 

The  friars  might  be  appointed  temporary  curates, 
but  all  temporal  matters  were  to  be  taken  from 
their  hands.  The  lands  were  to  be  turned  over 
to  private  ownership  and  the  neophytes  were 
to  be  governed  by  their  ayuntamientos  and  the 
civil  authority.  Had  this  edict  been  enforced  it 
would  have  meant  disaster  not  only  for  the  Fran- 
ciscans but  also  for  the  Indians  a quarter  of  a 
century  sooner  than  disaster  actually  came. 

But  no  attempt  was  made  to  enforce  the  de- 
cree in  California  until  January  of  1821.  At  that 
time  Viceroy  Venadito  of  Mexico  ordered  the  mis- 
sions turned  over  to  the  government  and  the  bish- 
ops. President  Payeras  notified  Governor  Sola 
that  the  friars  were  ready,  willing,  and  anxious 
to  comply  with  the  order  and  looked  forward  with 
joy  to  new  spiritual  conquests.  But  the  bishop 
decided  that  in  the  then  disturbed  condition  of 
Mexico  it  would  be  better  to  postpone  the  mat- 
ter until  imperial  independence  should  be  estab- 
lished. 

The  readiness  of  President  Payeras  to  deliver 
over  the  mission  establishments  seems  somewhat 
inconsistent  with  the  oft  repeated  excuses  of  the 
friars  for  delay.  But  the  President  was  well 
aware  that  the  bishop  had  no  curates  to  put  in 
charge  of  the  mission  churches,  and  therefore 
could  not  let  the  friars  depart.  It  was  also  well 
known  to  both  the  President  and  the  bishop,  as 
well  as  the  civil  authorities,  that  the  missionaries 


134 


The  Story  of  California 


exercised  an  unbounded  influence  over  the  Indians 
and  the  latter  authorities  were  very  hesitant  about 
the  advisability  or  even  the  practicability  of  at- 
tempting to  hold  this  great  number  of  uneducated 
and  untrustworthy  people  in  check  by  any  other 
means.  Therefore  the  Father-President  felt  very 
safe  in  offering  to  comply  with  the  order,  for  he 
knew  it  could  not  be  carried  out  even  if  there  had 
been  a desire  to  do  so. 

In  this  manner  another  respite  was  obtained  but 
still  the  dread  of  approaching  secularization  hung 
over  the  missions  and  their  guardians  like  a black 
pall.  It  took  away  all  incentive  to  indulge  in  the 
petty  quarrels  with  the  civil  power  that  had  marked 
the  early  days  of  mission  history.  The  growth  of 
commerce  had  greatly  enhanced  the  material  lot 
of  the  missions  and  their  share  in  the  prosperity 
which  resulted  from  enlarged  trade  relations  was 
a large  one.  But  the  success  of  republicanism  and 
the  unmistakable  tendency  toward  secularization 
left  little  ground  for  hope.  The  friars  were  not 
in  sympathy  with  the  revolution.  There  was  no 
place  in  a republic  for  their  institutions,  with  their 
system  of  land  monopoly,  and  their  social  condi- 
tions, some  of  whose  features  bore  a resemblance 
to  slavery.  Padre  Sehan  called  upon  God  to 
pardon  and  save  the  misguided  insurgents  of  New 
Spain  and  South  America,  who  without  divine 
interference  were  sure  to  ruin  all  and  be  ruined. 
Prefect  Sarria  absolutely  refused  to  countenance 


The  Secularization  of  the  Missions  135 

republicanism,  but  he  left  the  friars  to  choose 
for  themselves  after  the  success  of  the  republic. 
Their  decision  was  not  unanimous.  Many  de- 
clared unhesitatingly  against  it,  but  others,  swayed 
by  various  influences,  approved  it. 

The  new  republic,  as  soon  as  it  became  reason- 
ably settled  as  to  its  internal  affairs,  was  not  slow 
to  fulfill  the  fears  of  those  who  had  struggled 
against  it.  Very  soon  it  began  to  be  generally 
understood  that  the  prosperity  of  the  northern 
territory  depended  upon  the  occupation  of  the 
agricultural  lands  by  actual  settlers.  The  mis- 
sions controlled  though  they  did  not  own  a vast 
area  of  the  most  desirable  lands  in  the  country. 
It  was  inevitable  therefore  that  forces  should  be 
set  in  motion  which  tended  to  the  opening  of 
these  lands  to  settlement. 

In  1826,  however,  the  friars  were  still  in  con- 
trol of  the  situation.  This  was  due  to  their  con- 
trol over  the  neophytes  and  their  ability  to  keep 
them  quiet  and  at  work.  President  Duran  had 
carefully  pointed  out  that  the  Indians  of  the 
pueblos  were  a serious  menace  to  their  com- 
munities. While  the  charge  had  been  flung  at  the 
missionaries  that  their  system  savored  of  slavery, 
the  Indians  in  the  towns  were  in  the  actual  con- 
dition of  slaves.  They  were  kept  under  strict 
surveillance,  forced  to  do  all  the  heavier  work, 
and  by  a system  of  loans  were  kept  in  practical 
bondage.  Such  was  the  claim  of  the  friars  which 


136  The  Story  of  California 

put  off  for  a time,  at  least,  the  evil  day  of  their 
downfall. 

But  it  could  only  be  retarded,  not  warded  off. 
In  1828  came  the  news  of  the  expulsion  of  the 
Spanish  friars  from  Mexico  and  the  sad  plight 
into  which  the  Franciscan  College  of  San  Fer- 
nando had  fallen  in  consequence.  The  law  which 
had  brought  about  this  expulsion  applied  to  Cali- 
fornia as  well  as  the  other  parts  of  the  republic, 
but  was  not  enforced  there  for  the  same  reason 
that  previous  laws  had  not  been  enforced.  An- 
other law  was  passed  the  following  year  whose 
terms  were  still  more  stringent  but  its  action  too 
was  suspended. 

The  enforcement  of  these  laws  was  not  post- 
poned by  the  civil  authorities  because  of  any  feel- 
ing of  delicacy  on  their  part  for  the  position  of 
the  friars  nor  because  of  any  lack  of  eagerness  to 
get  possession  of  the  mission  lands.  Governor 
Echeandia  and  his  superiors  earnestly  desired 
secularization  and  they  desired  it  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible, but  they  realized  all  the  serious  aspects  of 
the  problem.  They  well  knew  that  it  was  very 
largely  due  to  the  missionaries  that  peace  and 
order  reigned  among  the  native  population  in- 
stead of  turbulance  and  riot.  They  knew  that  any 
precipitate  action  meant  ruin  to  the  colony  and 
that  therefore  it  would  be  necessary  to  bring  about 
gradually  the  much  desired  change  of  status. 

The  first  actual  step  toward  secularization  was 


The  Secularization  of  the  Missions  137 

under  the  decree  of  July  25,  1826.  This  allowed 
(but  did  not  require)  all  neophytes  who  had  been 
Christians  from  childhood  or  for  fifteen  years, 
who  were  married,  and  who  had  some  means  of 
earning  a livelihood  to  leave  the  missions.  The 
friars  did  not  oppose  this  decree  because  scarcely 
any  of  the  neophytes  were  in  a position  to  take 
advantage  of  it.  The  friars  were  also  convinced 
that  those  who  did  take  advantage  of  the  new 
decree  would  prove  the  utter  folly  of  it.  Only 
ten  families  out  of  160  at  San  Diego  and  San  Luis 
Rey  could  be  induced  to  leave  their  missions. 

So,  after  years  of  anxious  anticipation,  during 
which  the  friars  had  performed  their  duties  as 
best  they  could  with  the  constant  dread  hanging 
over  them  that  at  any  moment  they  might  be  de- 
prived of  the  fruits  of  their  toil,  the  first  blow  had 
fallen.  And  because  of  their  politic  handling  of 
the  matter  and  the  natural  difficulties  which  must 
be  overcome  it  was  only  a very  light  blow;  one 
which  they  received  almost  with  a smile.  For 
four  years  more  they  were  unmolested. 

The  plan  of  secularization  of  1830  provided 
for  the  organization  of  the  mission  communities 
into  towns,  the  division  of  the  surplus  lands  among 
the  neophytes  but  under  the  control  of  secular 
administrators  instead  of  under  the  friars,  and 
the  maintenance  of  a separate  rancho  at  each 
mission  for  the  support  of  a place  of  public  wor- 
ship and  a curate  to  officiate  at  its  services.  Gov- 


138 


The  Story  of  California 

ernor  Echeandia  attempted  to  put  this  plan  in 
force  but  without  much  progress  until  after  1833. 

In  this  year  there  arrived  in  California  for  the 
purpose  of  filling  vacancies  in  the  ranks  of  the 
missionaries  ten  more  Franciscan  friars.  These 
new  comers  were  not,  however,  from  the  College 
of  San  Fernando,  (for  in  all  probability  that  in- 
stitution was  unable  to  furnish  the  necessary  men,) 
but  from  the  Franciscan  College  of  Nuestra 
Senora  de  Guadalupe  de  Zacatecas.  The  seven 
missions  from  San  Carlos  north  were  turned  over 
to  them.  These  men  were  far  from  being  of  as 
high  quality  as  the  San  Fernandines. 

While  this  influx  of  new  workers  lightened  the 
burden  resting  upon  the  shoulders  of  those  al- 
ready on  the  ground  it  did  nothing  to  put  off  the 
evil  day  of  secularization.  In  this  very  same  year 
the  final  blow  fell  and  the  doom  of  the  missions 
was  sealed.  In  August,  largely  through  the  in- 
fluence of  a company  who  desired  to  colonize  mis- 
sion lands,  a law  was  passed  requiring  immediate 
secularization  of  the  missions.  A supplementary 
decree  passed  in  November,  allowed  the  coloniza- 
tion of  the  lands  and  to  carry  out  not  only  the 
secularization  but  also  colonization  by  the  com- 
pany,* authorized  the  use  of  the  revenues  of  the 
Pious  Fund. 

*Hijar  and  Padres,  the  engineers  of  this  scheme,  were 
later  arrested  and  deported  on  a charge  of  attempting  by 
means  of  this  colony  to  separate  California  from  Mexico. 


The  Secularization  of  the  Missions  139 

This  time  there  was  no  respite  and  the  law  was 
rigidly  enforced.  The  year  1834  was  marked  by 
a shameful  slaughter  of  the  mission  cattle  and  a 
widespread  destruction  of  the  mission  property. 
Many  of  the  missionaries  regarded  secularization 
as  an  outrage  upon  them  and  ceased  to  care  for 
such  property  as  was  left  in  their  hands.  Their 
one  desire  was  to  convert  everything  into  cash. 
Others  accepted  the  inevitable  with  as  good  grace 
as  possible,  and  assumed  their  new  duties  as  curates 
without  complaint. 

Secularization  under  favorable  circumstances 
would  have  injured  no  one.  But  to  this  end  five 
conditions  were  necessary.  These  were  honest 
administrators,  intelligent  neophytes,  the  cooper- 
ation of  the  friars,  a watchful  territorial  govern- 
ment, and  a healthy  and  undivided  public  spirit. 
As  has  been  shown,  none  of  these  things  existed 
in  California  and  secularization  was  therefore 
foredoomed  to  be  a matter  more  of  ruination  than 
of  adjustment  to  new  conditions.  The  years  from 
1836  to  1842  were  years  of  high-handed  spoli- 
ation. The  governor  used  the  grain  and  cattle 
as  government  supplies  and  paid  government  debts 
by  orders  on  the  missions  for  various  products. 
The  major domo  in  charge,  being  a government 
employe,  honored  the  orders  as  a matter  of  course. 
The  men  appointed  as  majordomos  and  comision- 
ados  ranged  from  incompetent  and  stupid  to 
vicious  and  dishonest. 


140 


The  Story  of  California 


In  the  condition  of  the  Indians,  there  had  been 
no  visible  change  for  the  better  since  1769  which 
was  at  all  commensurate  with  the  money  and  labor 
which  had  been  expended  on  their  training  in  the 
intervening  years.  The  mission  property  when 
it  was  distributed  to  them,  or  rather  what  was 
left  of  it  after  the  government  and  the  adminis- 
trators had  taken  out  their  shares,  was  recklessly 
squandered  and  gambled  away.  The  Indians  for 
the  most  part  became  vagabonds,  drinking  and 
stealing  in  and  about  the  towns.  Many  of  them 
relapsed  wholly  into  barbarism.  At  San  Juan 
Bautista  secularization  was  more  complete  than 
elsewhere  with  the  result  that  the  entire  mission 
community  was  wiped  out.  The  ex-neophytes 
were  in  constant  turmoil  for  several  years.  They 
were  finally  quieted  and  a little  settlement  of 
about  fifty  souls  sprang  up  nearby  under  the  name 
of  San  Juan  de  Castro. 

W.  E.  P.  Hartnell,  who  visited  all  the  mission 
establishments  in  1839  as  inspector  under  Gov- 
ernor Alvarado,  found  destruction  and  ruin  at 
them  all.  There  were  but  few  neophytes  left  and 
these  were  ill-treated.  Crops  were  neglected  and 
the  whole  situation  of  affairs  was  so  disheartening 
that  he  resigned  his  position  in  despair  of  ever  ac- 
complishing anything.  In  1843  Governor  Michel- 
torena  conceived  the  idea  of  restoring  former  con- 
ditions, but  such  a thing  was  impossible,  and  the 
fact  that  the  mission  system  was  dead  became  uni- 


The  Secularization  of  the  Missions  141 

versally  recognized.  Two  years  later  Governor 
Pico  ordered  the  sale  at  public  auction  of  four 
or  five  missions  and  the  renting  of  others.  The 
returns  were  to  pay  off  the  indebtedness  and  the 
remainder,  if  any,  was  to  go  to  the  support  of  the 
prelates.  The  final  end  of  the  tragedy  was  marked 
by  the  death  of  Prefect  Narciso  Duran.  The  old 
man,  realizing  that  the  body  of  which  he  was  the 
head  was  no  longer  a living  entity,  laid  down  the 
burden  of  life  in  1846  and  the  mission  system  as 
an  active  force  in  the  life  of  California  ceased  to 
exist. 

The  final  disposition  of  the  mission  lands  may 
be  mentioned  here.  After  the  American  conquest 
in  1846  there  appeared  title  deeds  showing  the 
sale  of  twelve  of  the  mission  properties.  These 
deeds  bore  the  signature  of  Pio  Pico  as  Governor 
of  California  and  were  dated  between  May  4 and 
July  4,  1846.  In  most  cases  these  proved  to  have 
been  signed  either  after  the  United  States  flag 
had  been  raised  at  Monterey,  or  even  after  Pico’s 
return  in  1848  and  fraudulently  antedated.  Some 
were  probably  bona  fide  but  in  most  of  the  cases 
the  property  was  afterwards  disposed  of  by  the 
new  government. 

The  mission  buildings  themselves,  as  distin- 
guished from  the  mission  lands  are  today  in 
various  states  of  preservation.  Of  Santa  Clara, 
Santa  Cruz,  and  San  Rafael  there  is  no  trace 
whatever.  Soledad  is  but  a heap  of  adobe  ruins. 


142 


The  Story  of  California 


Of  San  Diego,  the  oldest  of  them  all,  there  re- 
mains but  the  front  wall.  San  Juan  Capistrano 
and  San  Fernando  are  still  impressive  sights 
though  much  of  the  ancient  building  has  been  de- 
stroyed. San  Luis  Rey,  Pala,  and  others  have  been 
restored  through  the  efforts  of  the  Landmarks 
Club  of  Southern  California.  Santa  Barbara  and 
San  Gabriel  still  stand  in  their  pristine  glory  as 
monuments  to  the  .greatness  of  the  past.  Most 
of  them  have  reverted  to  the  Catholic  church  in 
one  way  or  another  and  in  many  of  them  religious 
services  are  regularly  held;  while  at  San  Luis  Rey, 
and  Santa  Barbara  colonies  of  Franciscan  friars 
are  to  be  found  as  in  the  olden  days.  But  nowhere 
are  there  any  Indian  neophytes  to  be  seen,  for 
with  a few  exceptions  the  descendants  of  the  Cali- 
fornia Indians  are  in  their  graves,  literally  ex- 
terminated by  the  onward  march  of  a stronger 
race. 

Another  phase  of  secularization  was  the  dis- 
position of  the  Pious  Fund  to  which  the  Mexican 
government  succeeded  to  the  trusteeship  when  in- 
dependence was  achieved  in  1821.  In  1836  a 
decree  was  passed  setting  aside  an  annual  ap- 
propriation from  this  fund  for  the  support  of  a 
bishop  in  California.  A bishopric  was  erected  and 
Francisco  Garcia  Diego  became  the  first  incum- 
bent of  the  office  with  headquarters  at  Santa  Bar- 
bara. The  new  bishop  became  the  trustee  of  the 
Fund  under  this  decree  but  this  part  of  it  was  re- 


The  Secularization  of  the  Missions  143 

voked  in  1842  when  President  Santa  Ana  of  the 
Mexican  Republic  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  money,  which  now  amounted  to  $1,500,000, 
should  be  administered  nearer  home.  It  followed 
naturally  from  this  that  there  was  no  need  to  ad- 
minister it  at  all  and  the  entire  sum  was  forthwith 
confiscated,  the  government  recognizing  an  obli- 
gation to  pay  to  the  beneficiaries  six  per  cent 
interest  upon  the  sum  taken.  Needless  to  say, 
the  payments  actually  made  were  few  and  small. 
This  state  of  affairs  continued  for  nearly  sixty 
years  when  the  whole  matter  was  finally  taken 
before  the  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitration  at  The 
Hague  and  on  October  13,  1902,  a decision  was 
rendered  which  bound  Mexico  to  pay  $1,460,682 
as  back  interest,  and  the  sum  of  $43,050  annually 
forever,  to  the  Catholic  Church  of  California. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


LIFE  OF  THE  CALIFORNIANS 
NDER  Spanish  rule  California  was  a very 


small  part  of  the  domains  of  the  then  great 
Spanish  Empire.  Her  people  naturally  felt  them- 
selves of  small  importance.  Their  governor  was 
appointed  by  the  central  authority  of  New  Spain 
and  was  always  accepted  by  them  without  question. 
Under  the  governor  were  prefects  and  sub-prefects 
who  assisted  him  in  the  administration  of  affairs. 
The  only  courts  were  those  of  the  alcaldes,  who 
were  lesser  local  magistrates  and  whose  duties 
and  rank  were  very  similar  to  those  of  an  English 
squire.  This  simple  form  of  government  sufficed 
for  all  the  needs  of  the  peaceful  and  benevolent 
population  of  those  days. 

Almost  nothing  was  known  of  the  outside 
world.  The  knowledge  of  current  events  was 
confined  to  the  name  of  the  reigning  king  and 
the  pope.  There  were  no  foreigners  in  California 
before  1785.  Nothing  was  known  of  the  Ameri- 
can revolution  or  of  the  existence  of  the  United 
States  until  the  arrival  of  a royal  order  in  1789 
commanding  the  governor  to  capture  the  Ameri- 
can vessel  Columbia  if  she  put  in  at  the  port  of 
San  Francisco,  which  she  did  not  do. 


145 


Life  of  the  Californians 

With  tumult  and  war  raging  in  almost  every 
other  section  of  the  civilized  world  during  the 
last  quarter  of  the  eighteenth  century  and  the 
first  quarter  of  the  nineteenth,  California  not 
only  remained  peaceful  and  calm  herself,  but  lived 
in  blissful  ignorance  of  the  fact  that  there  was 
any  more  excitement  in  any  other  part  of  the 
world  than  within  her  own  quiet  borders.  The 
French  Revolution  was  to  her  unknown;  Napoleon 
was  never  heard  of,  and  “Waterloo”  meant 
nothing. 

A ripple  went  over  the  smooth  waters  of  this 
quiet  backwater  of  the  mighty  current  of  the 
world’s  history  when  the  French  navigator  La 
Perouse  arrived  at  Monterey  in  the  fall  of  1786. 
He  was  in  charge  of  a scientific  expedition  under 
the  auspices  of  the  French  government.  His  stay 
at  Monterey  was  a brief  one,  but  it  served  to  give 
the  Californians  something  to  talk  of  for  many 
months  thereafter.  His  visit  was  almost  for- 
gotten when  Vancouver,  the  celebrated  English 
navigator  arrived.  He  made  three  visits  in  1792 
and  the  following  year,  making  a considerable 
study  of  the  conditions  of  the  territory. 

October  29,  1796,  the  first  American  vessel 
cast  her  anchor  in  a California  port.  She  was  the 
Otter  of  Boston,  and  sailed  into  the  harbor 
of  Monterey  under  the  command  of  Captain  Eb- 
enezer  Dorr.  She  was  the  forerunner  of  a large 
number  of  American  trading  craft  which  came 


146 


The  Story  of  California 


to  the  coast  and  carried  on  extensive  smuggling  op- 
erations. They  found  a ready  market  for  their 
goods  on  shore  among  the  people  and  no  diffi- 
culty whatever  in  securing  all  the  assistance  nec- 
essary to  evade  the  representatives  of  the  gov- 
ernment. The  friars  were  among  their  heaviest 
buyers,  but  they  were  not  always  good  customers. 
Captain  Shaler  furnished  twenty  of  them  with 
goods  and  took  their  notes.  Only  two  redeemed. 

The  following  year  there  arrived  the  news  that 
Spain  was  at  war  with  England.  The  whole 
country  was  excited  over  the  prospect  of  hostilities. 
Men  were  drilled  in  every  pueblo  and  the  Indians 
were  assiduously  told  of  the  horrors  which  would 
inevitably  follow  an  English  invasion.  No  Eng- 
lish appeared  and  the  excitement  cooled.  But  so 
satisfied  were  the  Californians  with  their  own 
brave  conduct  under  these  trying  circumstances 
that  the  later  news  of  a war  with  Russia  awakened 
no  enthusiasm  whatever. 

The  first  twenty  years  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury passed  with  almost  no  occurrence  to  mar  the 
even  course  of  life  in  this  far  away  province.  The 
friars,  with  some  slight  competition  from  the  civil 
authorities  at  Monterey,  maintained  an  uninter- 
rupted sway  over  the  destinies  of  the  country. 
The  missions  were  the  centers  of  all  activity. 
Their  message  was  peace  and  to  them  is  due  the 
full  measure  of  credit  for  the  orderly  condition 
of  the  colony. 


Life  of  the  Californians 


147 


But  with  the  advent  of  republicanism,  this  benev- 
olent despotism  rapidly  lost  its  hold  and,  as  has 
already  been  seen,  fell  from  its  position  as  the 
ruling  power  in  the  province  to  its  own  death.  As 
the  star  of  the  missions  waned  that  of  the  pueblos 
waxed  and  grew.  Monterey,  which  had  always 
been  a town  of  the  first  importance  as  the  seat  of 
mission  control,  retained  its  prominence  either 
because  it  was  the  capital  of  the  territory  or  be- 
cause it  was  vigorously  endeavoring  to  regain  that 
position.  In  1825  Governor  Echeandia  took  up 
his  residence  at  San  Diego  which  by  that  act 
became  the  virtual  capital.  The  various  attempts 
of  Los  Angeles  to  acquire  this  coveted  honor  have 
already  been  related. 

So  the  pueblos  became  the  nerve  centers  of  the 
life  of  the  province  with  private  ranches  stretch- 
ing between  as  lesser  centers.  And  as  the  center 
changed  from  mission  to  pueblos,  so  also  changed 
the  spirit  of  the  life  of  the  people.  A religious 
benevolence  had  been  the  dominant  note  under 
the  old  regime  but  this  was  now  succeeded  by  a 
happy-go-lucky  existence  whose  laxity  was  in 
marked  contrast  with  former  conditions. 

Under  both  the  Spanish  and  the  Mexican  re- 
gimes the  most  strongly  marked  characteristic 
of  the  whole  social  system  was  its  hospitality. 
Wherever  one  might  travel  in  the  province  he 
was  met  with  an  open-handedness  which  was  al- 
most prodigal.  The  only  hotels  of  any  kind 


148 


The  Story  of  California 

were  the  missions.  Any  wayfarer  was  welcome 
here  and  when  he  was  ready  to  leave  he  was  not 
presented  with  a bill  for  the  entertainment  he  had 
received.  But  while  the  missions  served  the  pur- 
pose of  hostelries,  there  was  little  need  for  them 
on  this  ground,  for  every  home  was  open  to  all 
comers  on  the  same  generous  scale.  A guest  in 
the  house  was  one  of  the  greatest  pleasures  of 
the  housewife  and  her  husband.  A custom  which 
admirably  shows  the  spirit  of  this  hospitality  was 
that  of  “ guest  money.”  In  the  guest  chamber 
of  each  home  was  kept  a pile  of  coins.  These 
were  never  counted  but  whenever  the  pile  became 
depleted  it  was  replenished,  and  any  guest  who 
might  be  in  need  of  ready  money  was  expected  to 
take  whatever  was  necessary  for  his  needs. 

The  natural  conditions  were  such  as  to  foster 
this  widespread  feeling  of  hospitality.  Every- 
where throughout  the  land  was  plenty.  There 
was  plenty  of  land,  plenty  of  horses,  plenty  of 
cattle  for  all  comers.  The  woods  and  wilder  re- 
gions were  overrun  with  grouse,  ducks,  swans, 
antelope,  deer,  elk,  panther,  bears  — black,  cinna- 
mon, and  grizzly  — and  there  were  fish  in  abun- 
dance. Food,  therefore,  was  to  be  had  for  the 
taking.  The  climate  required  little  or  no  shelter 
during  by  far  the  larger  portion  of  the  year.  Even 
houses  were  extremely  inexpensive,  the  adobe  soil 
furnishing  free  of  cost  all  the  necessary  material. 
This  served  alike  for  the  houses  of  the  rich  and 


Life  of  the  Californians  149 

of  the  poor,  the  better  homes  being  distinguished 
by  a coat  of  plaster  inside  and  out,  and  some  of 
those  belonging  to  the  wealthiest  being  roofed 
with  tile. 

The  men  of  California  spent  most  of  their  days 
on  horseback.  Thousands  of  unclaimed  horses 
ranged  the  hills  and  valleys.  When  a man  was  in 
need  of  an  animal  he  went  out  and  roped  one  to 
his  fancy,  training  it  himself.  Few  of  the  Cali- 
fornians were  oppressed  with  any  business  cares, 
their  day  being  largely  spent  riding  from  place 
to  place,  visiting,  eating,  and  drinking  with  their 
friends.  Living  in  the  saddle,  they  became  splen- 
did riders  and  the  more  proficient  among  them 
easily  ranked  with  the  best  of  the  Arabians  and 
Cossacks.  Inseparable  from  their  riding  was  the 
use  of  the  reata,  or  “ lasso,”  as  it  is  frequently 
called.  In  their  skilled  hands  this  became  a for- 
midable weapon  with  which  even  the  grizzly  bear 
was  captured. 

In  the  matter  of  dress,  man  and  horse  furnished 
a picturesque  sight.  An  open-necked  shirt,  rich 
waistcoat,  and  short  jacket  surmounted  either  a 
pair  of  knee  breeches  with  white  stockings  or 
trousers  slashed  and  laced  below  the  knee.  A 
broad-brimmed,  high-crowned  hat  richly  trimmed 
with  silver  lace  was  worn.  A bright  red  sash  and 
a many  colored  serape  or  shawl  added  brilliance 
to  the  picture.  The  trappings  of  the  horse  were 


150 


The  Story  of  California 

gorgeous,  silver-mounted  saddles  and  bridles  of- 
ten representing  a value  of  $1000  or  $1500. 

The  women  dressed  in  a loose  short-sleeved 
gown,  with  a bright-colored  belt,  and  satin  or  kid 
shoes.  Necklaces  and  earrings  were  universal. 
The  glossy  black  hair  was  worn  in  long  braids 
if  the  owner  was  unmarried,  but  that  of  the 
matrons  was  held  up  with  high  combs.  All 
classes  wore  the  same  kind  of  clothes  to  church  but 
in  the  homes  of  the  wealthier  the  very  finest  of 
silks,  velvets  and  laces  were  to  be  seen.  Many 
of  the  garments  were  made  by  the  housewives, 
who  prided  themselves  upon  their  skill  with  the 
needle.  The  women  of  rank  were  famous  for 
their  spotless  linen. 

The  family  life  of  that  day  seems  to  have  been 
exceedingly  formal.  The  household  rose  at  dawn 
and  all  partook  of  the  morning  coffee.  Break- 
fast was  served  at  eight  or  nine  o’clock.  Lunch- 
ieon  followed  at  noon,  and  tea  at  four.  Supper 
was  the  largest  meal  of  the  five  and  came  at  eight 
or  nine  in  the  evening.  All  of  the  meals  were 
taken  standing.  Supper  was  followed  by  family 
prayers,  after  which  the  sons  and  daughters  kissed 
their  father’s  hand  and  withdrew.  This  ceremony 
was  typical  of  the  respect  with  which  all  children 
treated  their  parents.  It  made  no  difference  what 
was  the  age  of  the  children,  there  was  no  change 
in  their  manner  toward  their  parents  nor  in  their 
^parents’  manner  toward  them.  A man  fifty  or 


Life  of  the  Californians  151 

sixty  years  old  would  not  smoke  or  wear  his  hat 
in  the  presence  of  his  father;  and  fathers  not  in- 
frequently administered  corporal  punishment  with 
the  lash  to  grown  sons.  But  with  all  this  strict- 
ness of  ceremony  the  family  life  was  pleasant  and 
harmonious. 

The  thing  about  which  the  Californians  both- 
ered themselves  least  was  education.  There  were 
no  schools  at  all  in  the  colony  until  1795  when 
Governor  Borica  succeeded  in  getting  classes 
started  in  several  of  the  larger  settlements.  Some 
persons  of  better  families  sent  their  sons  abroad 
to  be  educated  but  by  far  the  greater  number  had 
almost  no  learning.  A hearty  laugh  is  reported 
when  a class  was  informed  that  the  world  was 
round.  By  1817  conditions  had  improved  and 
Governor  Sola  reported  schools  in  each  of  the  pre- 
sidios and  pueblos.  The  schools  received  no  sup- 
port from  the  friars,  for  which  no  good  reason 
can  be  found,  and  were  always  poorly  attended. 

At  Monterey  the  sessions  were  held  in  a low 
dirty  adobe  hut  with  rude  benches  along  the  walls. 
The  master,  ferrule  in  hand,  sat  at  one  end  on  a 
raised  platform.  Above  his  head  was  a picture 
of  a saint  and  a great  green  cross  to  which  each 
boy  addressed  a bendito  on  entering.  He  then 
kissed  the  hand  of  the  master  and  went  to  his 
seat.  The  ferrule  was  freely  used  and  for  more 
serious  offenses  such  as  laughing  aloud,  truancy, 
or  failing  to  know  the  Christian  doctrine,  a 


152 


The  Story  of  California 


hempen  scourge  was  at  hand.  The  culprit  guilty 
of  one  of  these  grave  offenses  was  stripped  to  the 
waist,  stretched  upon  a bench,  a handkerchief 
stuffed  in  his  mouth,  and  scourged.  The  subjects 
taught  were  the  “ three  Rs  ” and  the  Christian 
doctrine  from  Ripaldi’s  catechism  which  must  be 
learned  by  heart  from  one  end  to  the  other.  On 
one  occasion  a general  mutiny  is  reported,  when  a 
large  number  of  hens  were  introduced  into  the 
schoolroom  and  the  boys  refused  to  assist  at  the 
flogging. 

The  religious  requirements  of  the  friars  were 
very  strict,  though  frequently  disregarded.  All  of 
the  formalities  of  the  Catholic  religion  were 
carefully  observed  by  the  missionaries  and  the 
great  majority  of  the  people.  The  report  that 
there  were  several  copies  of  the  Bible  “ in  com- 
mon language  ” in  California  led  Prefect  Sarria 
to  take  as  great  pains  to  suppress  that  book  as 
he  did  to  prohibit  Voltaire  and  the  escandalisimo 
waltz. 

The  great  center  of  all  social  entertainments 
among  the  Californians  was  the  rodeo  or  round-up. 
At  this  time,  when  the  cattle  were  brought  in  and 
branded,  all  the  people  of  a district  were  gath- 
ered together  and  there  was  much  merry-making 
when  the  work  was  done.  The  principal  forms 
of  amusement  were  barbecues,  the  fandango  or 
general  dance  and  numerous  individual  dances, 
horse-racing,  with  its  attendant  heavy  betting,  bull- 


153 


Life  of  the  Californians 

fighting  and  bull  and  bear  fights.  The  latter  were 
especial  favorites  at  the  pueblos,  where  they  found 
a suitable  audience.  A bull  and  a bear  were  tied 
together  by  a long  rent  a.  The  bull  first  tried  to 
escape.  Finding  this  in  vain  he  turned  and  fought 
but  was  almost  invariably  defeated. 

Dancing  was  more  in  favor  with  the  better  class 
of  people.  At  the  time  of  the  visit  of  the  Russian 
commander  at  San  Francisco,  there  was  dancing 
at  the  Arguello  house  nearly  every  afternoon. 
The  scene  of  the  dance  was  either  a spacious  room 
or  an  open  bower.  One  of  the  most  famous  en- 
tertainments of  the  early  days  was  the  reception 
tendered  to  Governor  Sola  when  he  landed  at 
Monterey.  He  was  waited  upon  on  his  arrival 
by  a delegation  of  twenty  girls  who  delivered  an 
address  of  welcome.  At  the  feast  which  followed 
the  tables  were  laden  with  every  delicacy  of  the 
province,  game,  olives  from  San  Diego,  oranges 
from  San  Gabriel,  wines  from  San  Fernando,  and 
bread  of  San  Antonio  flour.  After  the  banquet 
followed  exhibitions  of  horsemanship,  a bull  and 
bear  fight,  and  a grand  ball  in  the  evening. 

Wedding  ceremonies  were  always  the  occasion 
of  festivities,  though  they  did  not  take  the  impor- 
tant place  which  they  do  in  our  own  day.  There 
was  great  particularity  in  regard  to  the  gifts 
which  the  groom  gave  to  the  bride.  He  was  re- 
quired by  inexorable  custom  to  present  her  with 
at  least  six  changes  of  raiment.  On  the  day  of 


154 


The  Story  of  California 


the  great  event,  the  bride  and  groom  rode  to  the 
friar  on  separate  horses.  After  the  ceremony 
they  returned  on  one  horse  to  the  house  of  the 
bride  to  receive  the  blessing  of  the  parents,  and 
the  usual  festivities  followed. 

The  life  of  the  Californians,  simple  and  usually 
peaceful  (for  the  turbulence  of  the  politics  of 
Mexican  days  was  really  but  a small  portion  of 
their  life),  nevertheless  fostered  certain  vices. 
The  men,  raised  in  idleness  and  with  pleasure  as 
their  only  object,  had  no  sense  of  responsibility 
and  ambition  was  almost  an  unknown  quality.  As 
a result  there  was  no  advance  in  culture  and 
scarcely  any  in  commerce.  Their  civilization  was 
at  a standstill.  And  an  unprogressive  civilization 
is  inevitably  a retrogressive  civilization.  In  Cali- 
fornia this  retrogression  made  its  appearance  in 
excessive  drinking,  gambling,  and  a somewhat 
prevalent  cattle-stealing.  There  were  many  incor- 
rigible characters  at  the  pueblos  whom  neither 
religious  nor  military  discipline  could  affect.  They 
kept  the  authorities  constantly  on  the  watch  to 
prevent  trouble  with  the  Indian  women,  as  well 
as  ecccesses  in  drinking  and  gambling. 

Commerce  for  many  years  was  a negligible 
factor.  This  was  due  in  part  to  governmental 
restrictions,  even  trade  with  the  Spanish  vessels 
being  forbidden.  But  smuggling  soon  grew  to  be 
a common  occupation,  particularly  among  the 
friars.  The  local  authorities  were  always  inclined 


Life  of  the  Californians 


155 


to  wink  at  the  offense  because  they  were  on  the 
ground  and  realized  the  necessity  of  this  method 
of  obtaining  the  means  of  subsistence  for  the  col- 
ony which  were  denied  by  the  commercial  regula- 
tions of  Spain.  With  the  achievement  of  Mexican 
independence  these  trade  restrictions  were  re- 
moved and  there  followed  immediately  a great 
increase  in  commerce  of  general  benefit. 

Some  of  the  prices  current  in  1788  are  interest- 
ing in  this  connection.  Horses  sold  for  from 
three  to  nine  dollars ; sheep,  75c  to  $2  ; fresh  beef, 
ic  a pound;  a gun,  $4.50  to  $16;  saddles,  $12  to 
$16;  bridles,  $1;  shirts,  $4  to  $6;  silk  handker- 
chiefs and  stockings,  $1.50;  shoes,  75c.  Wages 
were  low  in  proportion.  The  man  who  cared  for 
Monterey  chapel  was  awarded  a salary  of  two 
dollars  a month  by  the  commandant.  Governor 
Arrillaga  disapproved  of  this  and  substituted  a 
“ slight  allowance  now  and  then.” 

But  on  the  whole,  with  all  its  faults  and  short- 
comings, this  life  of  the  early  Californians  seems 
to  have  been  regarded  by  those  who  lived  it  as 
close  to  the  ideal.  Guadalupe  Vallejo,  after  Cali- 
fornia had  become  the  home  of  thousands  of  gold- 
mad  men  from  all  over  the  world,  said  with  an 
air  of  mournful  reminiscence,  “ It  seems  to  me 
that  there  never  was  a more  peaceful  and  happy 
people  on  the  face  of  the  earth  than  the  Spanish, 
Mexican,  and  Indian  population  of  Alta  Califor- 
nia before  the  American  conquest.” 


CHAPTER  XIV 

JOHN  A.  SUTTER 


HIS  delightfully  peaceful  life  was  perhaps  too 


Utopian  to  last  long.  By  1840  new  forces 
were  beginning  to  appear  which  meant  a change 
in  the  old  regime,  the  introduction  of  the  struggle 
and  strife  of  commerce,  and  a long  farewell 
to  the  care-free  days  of  early  California.  In 
1839  there  arrived  at  Monterey  with  letters  of 
introduction  to  the  governor,  a handsome  young 
man  of  most  engaging  appearance  and  attractive 
manners.  The  young  stranger  told  many  inter- 
esting stories  of  his  early  life,  of  his  education, 
of  his  travel,  how  he  had  served  as  a captain 
in  the  French  army,  and  immediately  became  a 
favorite  with  everyone.  He  succeeded  particularly 
in  ingratiating  himself  with  Governor  Alvarado, 
and  confided  to  the  governor  his  desire  to  establish 
a colony  and  erect  a fort  on  the  Sacramento  River. 
He  expatiated  upon  the  splendid  results  the  carry- 
ing out  of  such  a plan  would  have;  how  it  would 
serve  to  guard  the  frontier  against  Indians  and 
other  possible  enemies;  how  it  would  extend  the 
dominion  and  power  of  Mexico.  It  was  a glorious 
picture  he  drew,  and  Governor  Alvarado,  much 
pleased  with  his  young  friend’s  plans,  wished  to 


156 


(From  an  old  print ) 


Joh  n A.  Sutter 


157 


aid  him  in  their  realization.  But  the  laws  of  his 
country  forbade  him  to  grant  land  to  foreigners. 
The  young  man  promptly  overcame  that  difficulty 
by  declaring  his  intention  to  become  a citizen  of 
Mexico.  Forthwith  the  governor  granted  him 
eleven  square  leagues  of  land  stretching  away  on 
either  side  of  the  Sacramento  Valley  — the  gift 
of  a prince.  The  amiable  captain  set  forth  for 
his  new  possessions  with  a heart  full  of  joy  and 
a few  Kanakas  to  build  his  Mexican  outpost.  He 
was  followed  after  a short  time,  by  an  emissary 
bearing  papers  declaring  him  a citizen  of  Mexico, 
and  his  commission  as  an  officer  of  the  govern- 
ment. 

This  young  man  was  John  Augustus  Sutter  and 
it  is  possible  now  to  do  what  Governor  Alvarado 
could  not  do,  glance  over  his  past  career.  If  the 
governor  could  have  done  this,  he  might  not  have 
been  so  ready  to  comply  with  the  stranger’s  re- 
quests. Sutter  was  born  in  the  Grand  Duchy  of 
Baden  in  February,  1803.  He  was  the  son  of  a 
Lutheran  clergyman.  When  the  boy  was  but 
sixteen  years  old  the  family  removed  to  Switzer- 
land. John  received  a good  education  and  after- 
wards became  a soldier  in  the  Swiss  army.  At 
the  age  of  twenty-three  he  married.  He  had  some 
little  money  or  credit  and  at  the  time  of  his  mar- 
riage he  left  the  army  and  went  into  business. 
But  his  capital  and  experience  were  not  equal  to 
his  ambition  and  the  result  was  that  he  soon 


158 


The  Story  of  California 

found  himself  in  bankruptcy.  “ Leaving  his  fam- 
ily in  straitened  circumstances  and  his  creditors  to 
settle  his  affairs,”  * he  sailed  for  New  York  in 
1834  with  some  vague  ideas  of  forming  a Swiss 
colony  in  America. 

He  tried  his  fortune  in  New  Mexico,  where  his 
great  enthusiasm  resulted  in  serious  charges  of 
swindling  being  brought  against  him.  These  he 
did  not  care  to  trouble  himself  about  so  he  left 
New  Mexico  for  Honolulu.  From  the  Islands 
he  made  his  way  to  Alaska,  and  in  1839  reached 
California  where  his  record  was  unknown  and  he 
could  make  a fresh  start.  He  had  visited  Fort 
Ross  on  his  way  southward  and  very  much  ad- 
mired it.  It  is  more  than  possible  that  it  was 
this  secluded  outpost  that  inspired  his  scheme  for 
a colony  on  the  Sacramento. 

The  site  which  he  selected  was  far  from  any 
of  the  other  settlements,  and  in  this  Sutter  un- 
doubtedly had  other  things  in  mind  than  the  mere 
protection  of  the  Mexican  frontier.  For  with 
all  his  pretensions  it  must  be  admitted  that  he  was 
far  more  interested  in  John  Augustus  Sutter  than 
he  was  in  the  Mexican  or  any  other  government. 
If  he  was  far  from  the  seat  of  authority  he  would 
be  proportionately  independent  and  this  was  his 
main  object.  He  became  a Mexican  and  obeyed 
the  Mexican  laws  only  in  so  far  as  his  own  inter- 
ests required  it. 


* Bancroft. 


John  A.  Sutter 


159 


His  land  secured  without  the  expenditure  of 
any  money,  Sutter  proceeded  to  acquire  the  neces- 
sary personal  property  for  the  establishment  of 
his  colony.  He  purchased  from  the  Russians  who 
were  just  abandoning  Fort  Ross,  a launch  and  all 
their  cannon,  together  with  much  other  equip- 
ment which  he  thought  would  be  useful  to  him. 
For  all  of  these  purchases  he  unhesitatingly  gave 
his  notes  for  thousands  of  dollars,  and  the  Rus- 
sians, though  perhaps  not  so  unhesitatingly,  ac- 
cepted them.  He  was  now  in  a position  to  begin 
the  actual  work  of  building. 

Sutter’s  Fort,  or  “ New  Helvetia,”  as  its 
founder  called  it,  was  located  near  the  site  of  the 
present  city  of  Sacramento.  The  first  buildings 
were  tule  huts  built  by  the  Kanakas,  but  within  a 
year  one  adobe  building  had  been  erected.  Sut- 
ter, whatever  may  have  been  his  moral  failings, 
was  a good  builder  and  he  built  on  a large  scale. 
He  began  the  laying  out  of  buildings  and  the 
works  of  a commercial  civilization  at  once.  Be- 
ginnings were  made  in  agricultural  development; 
cattle  were  secured;  beaver  were  trapped;  and  a 
winery  was  established  in  which  brandy  was  made 
from  grapes.  The  following  year  work  was  begun 
on  a port.  The  launch  made  frequent  trips  to 
Yerba  Buena  for  supplies  and  what  had  so  short 
a time  before  been  a primitive  wilderness  became 
a bustling  young  community. 

The  principal  danger  was  from  the  Indians  and 


160 


The  Story  of  California 


in  his  policy  toward  them  Sutter  was  extremely 
careful.  He  was  just,  watchful,  prompt  to  pun- 
ish any  affront,  and  soon  won  the  respect  of  the 
tribes  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the  set- 
tlement. It  has  been  claimed  that  he  was  not  so 
particular  in  his  treatment  of  the  more  distant 
tribes  and  that  he  even  seized  some  of  their  sons 
for  service  in  his  own  establishment  in  a manner 
bordering  on  slavery,  but  this  is  undoubtedly  an 
exaggeration. 

In  1844,  five  years  after  Sutter’s  first  visit  to 
the  site,  Fremont  arrived  at  the  fort  and  has 
described  it  in  his  reports.  An  adobe  wall  eighteen 
feet  high  and  three  feet  thick  surrounded  a quad- 
rangle about  500  by  150  feet.  The  wall  was 
marked  every  few  feet  by  a loophole  and  at  the 
opposite  corners  were  bastions  or  towers  mounting 
twelve  cannon.  Within  this  wall  there  was  a sec- 
ond wall  which  was  roofed  over  and  included 
quarters  for  the  men,  workshops,  a dwelling  house, 
distillery,  and  other  buildings. 

This  fort  was  the  center  of  innumerable  manu- 
facturing and  agricultural  operations.  There  was 
a three-mile  water-race  and  saw-mill  at  Coloma,  a 
flouring-mill  near  what  is  now  Brighton;  one  thou- 
sand level  acres  were  sown  in  wheat,  and  eight 
thousand  cattle  roamed  the  hills.  Two  thousand 
horses  and  mules,  one  thousand  hogs  and  two 
thousand  sheep  completed  the  list  of  livestock. 
The  fort  could  accommodate  a garrison  of  one 


John  A.  Sutter 


161 


thousand  men.  At  the  time  of  Fremont’s  visit 
there  were  forty  Indians  in  uniform  on  guard. 
Besides  these  there  were  thirty  to  forty  white  men 
of  various  nationalities  in  Sutter’s  employ. 

The  ostensible  purpose  of  all  this  fortification 
in  the  center  of  a vast  ranch  was  to  afford  pro- 
tection for  the  men  at  the  ranch  and  the  Mexican 
frontier  against  the  Indians.  The  real  motive 
behind  it  all,  however,  was  Sutter’s  romantic  spirit 
and  his  desire  to  found  a Swiss  colony  in  America. 
The  plan  for  such  a colony  never  made  much 
progress  toward  realization,  but  its  author  was 
successful  in  establishing  a veritable  principality 
in  this  new  country.  He  was  lord  of  a princely 
domain  with  legal  control  over  all  of  its  inhabit- 
ants by  virtue  of  his  position  as  the  representative 
of  the  Mexican  government.  He  had  every  ma- 
terial advantage  which  one  could  desire,  and  to 
consider  his  progress  since  his  landing  ten  years 
before  on  the  other  shore  of  the  continent  as  a 
bankrupt,  must  have  given  him  great  satisfaction 
except  for  one  circumstance  — his  creditors  in- 
sisted upon  the  payment  of  his  obligations  to  them. 
This  was  the  one  thing  that  detracted  from  Sut- 
ter’s full  enjoyment  of  his  position.  In  spite  of 
his  difficulties  in  this  direction,  however,  Sutter 
was  for  years  the  leading  foreigner  in  the  country, 
and  his  fame  soon  spread  beyond  the  confines  of 
California.  As  emigrant  trains  made  their  way 
across  the  Sierras  from  the  United  States,  Sutter’s 


162 


The  Story  of  California 


Fort  became  their  destination.  It  was  the  nearest 
outpost  of  civilization  to  the  central  passes  over 
the  mountains,  and  incoming  Americans  were 
there  always  assured  of  a warm  reception  and 
every  assistance. 

This  welcome  and  succor  which  American  im- 
migrants received  at  the  hands  of  Sutter  must  be 
credited  with  a large  share  in  the  later  develop- 
ment of  affairs  in  California.  But  Sutter  wac  by 
no  means  a political  missionary  for  American 
occupation.  His  one  great  aim  was  to  make 
money,  and  he  cared  little  under  what  flag  he 
made  it.  American  immigrants  made  good  custo- 
mers and  created  a larger  market  for  his  products, 
and  therefore  he  welcomed  American  immigrants. 
His  policy  in  this  direction,  however,  soon  involved 
him  in  difficulties  with  the  Mexican  authorities. 
They  were  suspicious  of  this  tender  regard  for 
newcomers  whose  entry  into  the  country  their  laws 
forbade  and  whom  they  themselves  were  none  too 
anxious  to  welcome. 

These  differences  became  more  and  more  bitter, 
and  on  some  occasions  became  violent.  At  one 
time  the  Mexican  officials  opened  negotiations  for 
purchasing  the  fort  for  the  purpose  of  stopping 
the  welcome  to  Americans,  but  nothing  came  of 
them  because  these  zealous  officers  had  neither  au- 
thority nor  money  to  make  the  purchase.  At  an- 
other time  Sutter  threatened  to  raise  the  flag  of 
France  and  secede  from  Mexican  control.  There 


John  A.  Sutter 


163 


was  little  in  these  threats  as  he  could  not  carry 
them  out,  but  the  fact  that  he  made  them  shows  his 
lack  of  loyalty  to  the  government  which  had 
treated  him  so  kindly  and  to  which  he  had  sworn 
allegiance.  He  had  long  regarded  his  connection 
with  that  government  only  in  the  light  of  a com- 
mercial asset,  and  he  now  began  to  look  down 
upon  all  Californians  as  inferior  beings. 

While  Sutter’s  welcome  to  American  immi- 
grants became  widely  known,  he  was  not  the  only 
landed  proprietor  in  California  to  extend  a warm 
greeting  to  the  newcomers.  Guadalupe  Vallejo  at 
Sonoma  followed  his  example  and  while  his  ranch 
was  located  farther  from  the  most  traveled  routes, 
his  expressions  of  welcome  were  no  less  ardent. 
During  every  year  of  the  forties  these  two  pio- 
neers saw  an  increasing  stream  of  men  pour- 
ing into  the  country  from  the  United  States,  until 
the  number  of  citizens  of  this  allegiance  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  territory  became  an  important 
factor  in  the  country’s  affairs.  These  men  of  an- 
other nation  were  to  play  an  extremely  prominent 
part  in  the  immediate  future  of  California. 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE  COMING  OF  THE  AMERICANS 

'T'HERE  were  a number  of  foreigners  and  sev- 
* eral  Americans  in  California  before  1841 
though  none  of  them  attained  the  prominence  of 
Sutter.  John  Gilroy,  an  English  cooper,  arrived 
in  1814  and  settled  at  what  is  now  known  as  Gil- 
roy, as  a permanent  resident  of  California.  Hugh 
McCulloch  and  W.  E.  P.  Hartnell  arrived  in  1821 
and  established  a commercial  house  which  was 
very  prominent  in  the  early  commerce  of  the  coun- 
try. In  1827  Jedediah  Smith  made  his  way  across 
the  Sierras  and  the  Mojave  desert  at  the  head  of  a 
small  trapping  party.  He  soon  became  involved 
in  disputes  with  the  missionaries  and  left  the  coun- 
try by  the  way  he  had  come.  Abel  Stearns,  an 
American,  had  reached  California  in  1828.  He 
established  a trading  station  at  San  Pedro  and 
was  frequently  charged  by  the  authorities  with 
smuggling.  In  spite  of  this  he  was  a strong  in- 
fluence in  the  upbuilding  of  the  country.  Others 
had  reached  California  by  sea  but  the  whole  num- 
ber of  foreigners  was  very  small  previous  to  1841. 

In  that  year  a wave  of  interest  in  California 
and  excitement  over  its  possibilities  spread  over 
the  United  States.  Letters  and  books  describing 

164 


The  Coming  of  the  Americans  165 

the  country  by  those  who  had  been  there  were  filled 
with  tales  of  wonder  and  great  enthusiasm  was 
aroused.  Many  started  for  this  land  of  promise, 
most  of  them  by  water.  Some  of  the  braver 
spirits  among  them,  however,  packing  their  earthly 
possessions  into  cumbersome,  but  strong  carts, 
started  toward  the  great  mountain  wall  to  try  its 
dangers  and  discover  for  themselves  whether  it 
were  not  possible  to  penetrate  to  the  new  country 
by  land.  The  first  of  these  emigrant  trains  arrived 
in  1841,  and  opened  up  the  great  overland  route 
which  led  so  many  thousand  Americans  to  Cali- 
fornia and  so  many  hundreds  to  their  graves. 

The  story  of  this  first  emigrant  train  has  been 
told  with  much  detail  and  it  is  typical  of  the  ex- 
perience of  all  the  early  overland  travelers. 
Among  the  members  of  this  party  was  a young 
Missouri  school  teacher,  John  Bidwell  by  name. 
The  story  of  his  journey  is  the  more  interesting  to 
us  as  he  afterwards  became  one  of  California’s 
most  distinguished  pioneers.  At  the  age  of  twenty 
years  he  started  for  the  West.  His  first  attempt 
to  secure  company  for  the  trip  to  California  was 
unsuccessful.  He  joined  a party  of  several  hun- 
dred settlers  on  the  Platte  reserve,  who  organized 
for  the  long  journey  but  never  started. 

But  Bidwell  was  not  to  be  turned  aside  from 
his  purpose.  He  finally  gathered  together  a party 
of  five  families,  sixty-nine  persons  in  all,  and  made 
the  start.  They  had  plenty  of  oxen,  horses,  and 


i 


160 


The  Story  of  California 


mules,  but  no  cows.  It  was  customary  where  long 
journeys  were  to  be  made  across  the  plains  by  such 
a party  as  this  to  elect  one  of  their  number  cap- 
tain so  that  there  might  be  some  recognized  head 
to  the  expedition.  In  the  present  instance  the 
choice  fell  upon  a man  named  Bartleson,  who,  like 
Bidwell,  was  a Missourian. 

As  none  of  this  hopeful  party  had  any  more 
idea  of  the  route  to  be  traveled,  than  that  Cali- 
fornia was  west,  they  were  fortunate  in  falling  in 
with  a band  of  Catholic  missionaries  under  Father 
Du  Smet  who  had  an  old  mountaineer  named 
Fitzpatrick  in  his  service  as  guide.  Traveling  with 
this  party  they  not  only  reached  the  Platte  River 
in  Idaho  without  mishap,  but  learned  much  of  how 
to  travel  in  this  wild  and  unfriendly  country. 
Every  night  the  wagons  were  pulled  up  so  as  to 
form  a hollow  square  with  the  horses  inside.  All 
of  the  cooking  was  done  in  the  daytime  and  no 
fires  were  permitted  at  night  so  that  the  danger 
of  discovery  and  attack  by  Indians  might  be 
lessened.  Their  lives  were  often  endangered  by 
vast  herds  of  buffalo  driving  toward  them,  but 
this  too  they  learned  to  avert  by  separating  the 
herd  with  the  noise  of  guns  or  by  lighting  large 
fires. 

So  they  made  their  way  into  Idaho  without 
serious  accident,  but  at  Soda  Springs,  where  the 
route  of  the  missionary  party  turned  to  the  north 
and  they  could  no  longer  travel  together,  half  of 


The  Coming  of  the  Americans  1G7 

the  party  became  so  discouraged  that  they  decided 
to  abandon  their  original  plan  and  to  continue  on 
with  the  missionaries  to  Fort  Hall.  But  Bidwell 
and  the  remainder  pressed  on.  They  reached 
Salt  Lake  in  September,  meeting  and  overcoming 
greater  hardships  with  every  day’s  journey  west- 
ward. They  had  to  make  their  own  roads  all  the 
way.  They  dug  down  steep  banks.  They  filled 
gulches.  Water  was  scarce  and  when  they  did 
find  it,  it  was  salty.  It  was  finally  decided  to 
abandon  the  wagons  and  press  on  in  an  attemDt 
to  reach  California  before  the  snows  began. 

But  they  were  inexperienced  in  packing  animals 
and  their  trials  and  tribulations  on  this  account 
were  many.  They  followed  the  course  of  the 
Humboldt  River  to  the  Great  Sink  in  Nevada. 
Because  of  the  slow  pace  at  which  the  oxen 
traveled  they  were  able  to  make  only  eighteen  or 
twenty  miles  a day.  Suddenly  Captain  Bartleson 
announced  his  intention  to  take  seven  of  the  men 
and  go  ahead  of  the  rest  of  the  party.  This  reso- 
lution he  proceeded  to  carry  out  and  these  traitors 
to  the  common  cause  took  with  them,  most  of  the 
meat  that  the  party  had  left.  In  spite  of  the 
terrible  discouragement  which  such  actions  as  these 
meant  to  the  rest  of  the  little  band,  they  struggled 
on  with  Bidwell  in  the  lead. 

Some  days  later  this  remnant  of  the  original 
party  were  astonished  to  hear  somebody  in  their 
rear.  They  waited  for  whoever  it  was  to  come 


168 


The  Story  of  California 


up  and  their  surprise  can  be  imagined  when  they 
found  it  to  be  Bartleson  and  his  companions 
almost  famished.  They  found  no  welcome  of 
course,  but  Bidwell’s  band  refrained  from  treat- 
ing them  as  they  deserved  and  the  reunited  party 
began  again  to  work  its  way  westward.  At  last 
they  reached  the  summit  of  the  mountains,  and 
soon  thereafter  found  the  headwaters  of  the  Stan- 
islaus River.  Following  this  stream  they  worked 
their  way  down  into  the  San  Joaquin  Valley. 

Seeing  other  high  mountains  far  to  the  west  of 
them  they  thought  themselves  still  at  least  five 
hundred  miles  from  their  destination.  Their  joy 
v/as  unbounded  on  reaching  the  ranch  of  Dr.  John 
Marsh  when  they  discovered  that  they  were  actu- 
ally in  California.  Six  months  of  terrible  hard- 
ship had  been  spent  in  making  the  journey  from 
Missouri,  but  now  that  was  all  past  and  they  were 
at  last  in  the  land  of  their  desire.  Their  ardor 
was  dampened,  however,  when  they  learned  from 
Dr.  Marsh  that  they  should  have  had  passports 
to  come  into  the  country;  that  otherwise  foreigners 
and  especially  Americans  were  forbidden  to  enter. 
Nor  were  their  minds  eased  at  all  when  the  Mexi- 
can officials  learned  of  their  presence  at  the  ranch. 
For  a time  it  looked  as  if  an  attempt  might  be 
made  to  send  them  back  across  the  mountains. 
Whether  the  authorities  realized  the  futility  of 
trying  any  such  tactics  as  these  or  whether  they 


The  Coining  of  the  Americans  169 


were  stricken  with  humanity  we  are  not  told,  but 
the  newcomers  were  finally  allowed  to  remain. 

This  was  illustrative  of  the  manner  in  which 
Americans  were  received  in  California.  In  Mex- 
ico they  were  cordially  hated  and  the  strictest  pro- 
nunciamentos  were  promulgated  entirely  excluding 
them  from  the  territory.  The  local  officials,  owing 
their  positions  to  the  central  government,  must  of 
necessity  make  some  show  of  carrying  out  its  in- 
structions and  in  every  case  they  officiously  ques- 
tioned and  badgered.  But  by  the  people  of 
California  these  immigrants  were  warmly  wel- 
comed, not  even  the  imminence  of  war  between 
Mexico  and  the  United  States  serving  to  affect  in 
the  slightest  their  feeling  in  the  matter.  Vallejo 
and  Sutter  vied  with  each  other  in  the  heartiness 
of  their  welcome,  and  the  rest  of  the  Californians 
followed  their  example.  The  officials,  who  must 
live  among  these  people,  and  realized  the  futility 
of  crossing  them,  could  but  bend  to  the  popular 
will  and  shape  their  course  accordingly. 

Beside  Bidwell’s  party  many  other  overland 
trains  arrived  about  this  time  and  soon  after. 
Their  experiences  were  in  the  main  like  those  of  the 
party  we  have  followed  but  as  they  had  no  Bi dwell 
to  report  them  they  have  not  achieved  the  fame 
which  has  come  to  the  first.  One  other,  however, 
the  Donner  party,  has  become  well  known  because 
of  the  hardships  its  members  suffered  and  the 
frightful  incidents  connected  with  its  history. 


170  The  Story  of  California 

In  April  of  1846  a band  of  thirty-one  emigrants 
left  Springfield,  Illinois,  for  California.  The 
leaders  of  this  party  were  James  F.  Reed  and  two 
brothers,  George  and  Jacob  Donner.  They  made 
the  start  with  ten  or  twelve  wagons  but  other 
parties  joined  them  on  the  way  so  that  when  they 
reached  the  Platte  River  there  was  a line  of  forty 
wagons.  Most  of  this  enlarged  party  kept  on  the 
old  Fort  Hall  road  to  Oregon  and  reached  Cali- 
fornia in  safety,  but  eighty-seven  of  them  decided 
to  take  a new  route  known  as  “ Hastings  Cut-off,” 
along  the  southern  shore  of  the  Great  Salt  Lake. 

This  new  route  was  not  a road;  it  was  not  even 
a trail.  Instead  of  a week  as  they  had  planned, 
it  took  them  a month  to  reach  the  shore  of  the 
lake.  When  they  did  arrive  their  animals  were 
exhausted  and  it  was  evident  to  all  that  they  had 
nowhere  near  a sufficient  quantity  of  provisions  to 
enable  them  to  reach  their  goal.  Not  a man  of 
the  party  but  was  utterly  discouraged.  Nobody 
knew  what  should  be  done.  While  the  company 
was  in  this  unenviable  state  quarrels  became  fre- 
quent. One  of  these  between  Reed  and  John 
Snyder  ended  in  the  death  of  the  latter.  Reed 
shot  him,  probably  in  self-defense,  but  so  bitter 
was  the  feeling  among  the  other  members  of  the 
party  that  he  was  banished.  He  was  given  a few 
necessaries  before  he  was  sent  away,  and  a thrill- 
ing story  is  related  of  his  daughter,  Virginia,  a 
girl  of  twelve  years,  who  made  her  way  to  him 


The  Coming  of  the  Americans  171 

out  in  the  desert  at  night  to  take  him  some  other 
things  her  instinct  told  her  he  would  need. 

What  had  been  discouragement  before  this  oc- 
currence, was  converted  by  it  into  the  blackest  of 
despair.  Most  of  the  party  were  ready  to  give 
up  but  realized  that  they  were  no  nearer  safety 
by  going  back  than  they  were  by  pushing  on.  At 
this  juncture  two  young  men,  Charles  T.  Stanton 
and  William  McClutchen,  volunteered  to  press 
on  to  Sutter’s  Fort  alone  for  aid.  They  started 
and  no  sooner  were  they  gone  than  praise  of  their 
action  was  drowned  in  pessimistic  prophecies  that 
they  would  never  return.  They  were  young  men 
who  had  no  one  in  the  party  depending  upon 
them.  Once  in  safety  themselves  why  should  they 
trouble  to  come  back  to  help  others  in  whom  they 
were  not  interested?  But  in  spite  of  these  black 
forebodings  the  party  struggled  on.  They  made 
their  way  well  up  into  the  Sierras  and  by  the  mid- 
dle of  October  had  reached  the  Truckee  River. 
Here  they  were  met  by  Stanton  leading  seven 
mules  packed  with  provisions.  He  had  proved 
his  heroism  and  disproved  the  evil  prophecies. 
McClutchen  had  been  deprived  of  his  share  of  the 
glory  of  this  rescue  by  an  attack  of  illness  which 
confined  him  to  his  bed  at  Sutter’s  Fort. 

Rejoicing  was  general  but  it  was  not  to  last 
long.  Winter  came  on  a month  earlier  than  usual 
and  winter  in  the  Sierras  is  a monster  of  dreadful 
aspect.  First,  it  deprived  the  suffering  travelers 


172  The  Story  of  California 

of  their  wagons.  They  could  not  travel  through 
the  snow.  The  provisions  were  packed  onto  the 
oxen,  but  it  was  only  a few  days  before  the  fall- 
ing snow  completely  obliterated  the  trails  and 
the  despairing  men  and  women  began  to  realize 
that  they  must  face  a winter  in  the  mountains. 

Unquestionably  much  of  the  later  suffering  and 
death  might  have  been  prevented  at  this  time  by 
a determined  effort  to  cross  the  range  at  once  or 
even  adequately  to  prepare  for  a winter  in  camp. 
But  there  had  been  dissensions  in  the  party  almost 
from  the  start  with  the  result  that  there  was  prac- 
tically no  organization.  There  was  no  man  who 
was  either  an  elected  or  a natural  leader.  With 
each  head  of  a family  left  to  shift  for  himself  and 
his  own,  there  were  no  concerted  efforts  to  accom- 
plish anything. 

In  this  disorganized  condition  the  party  finally 
pitched  camp  at  Donner  Lake  and  no  sooner  had 
they  stopped  than  the  snow  began  to  shut  them 
in.  Four  months  they  endured  the  horror  — their 
food  ran  low  and  then  was  gone.  A party  of  fif- 
teen, known  as  the  “ Last  Hope  ” started  forward 
on  improvised  snowshoes  to  try  and  make  their 
way  through  and  send  aid.  The  heroic  Stanton 
was  of  this  party  and  sad  indeed  was  his  end.  As 
the  little  band  struggled  on,  each  man  fighting  for 
his  own  life  and  having  not  an  ounce  of  reserve 
left  to  help  another,  Stanton  became  numbed  by 
the  fatigue  and  cold.  He  constantly  dropped  be- 


The  Coming  of  the  Americans  173 


hind.  But  when  the  party  stopped  for  the  night 
he  would  come  staggering  in  and  next  morning 
start  on  with  them  again.  But  one  evening  he 
did  not  come  in.  There  was  none  with  strength 
to  go  back  to  look  for  him.  The  following  morn- 
ing nothing  was  said  but  all  started  onward. 
Nothing  more  was  ever  heard  of  Stanton. 

Several  of  the  others  shared  Stanton’s  fate  be- 
fore the  party  got  down  out  of  the  snows.  A few 
managed  to  get  through,  however,  and  Sutter  at 
once  sent  out  a relief  party  under  Captain  R.  P. 
Tucker.  This  body  of  rescuers  had  almost  as 
hard  a time  to  get  back  to  the  Lake  as  the  mem- 
bers of  the  “ Last  Hope  ” party  did  to  make  their 
way  out.  They  had  the  great  advantage  of  a 
fresh  start,  however,  and  arrived  at  the  camp  on 
February  19,  1847. 

Sixty-one  had  been  left  here.  Several  of  these 
had  died  and  the  condition  of  the  others  was 
horrible  in  the  extreme.  There  was  no  oppor- 
tunity to  dispose  of  the  bodies  of  the  dead  for 
outside  there  was  twenty-two  feet  of  snow.  This 
was  shown  later  by  the  stump  of  a tree  that  had 
been  cut  at  the  time.  On  some  of  the  corpses 
were  the  marks  of  teeth  - — tell-tale  marks,  for  be- 
fore this  all  the  animals  of  the  party  had  been 
eaten.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  hunger 
of  these  poor  beings  had  driven  them  to  madness 
and  that  they  little  knew  what  they  were  doing 

A few  days  after  the  arrival  of  Tucker,  a party 


174  The  Story  of  California 

of  twenty-three  of  the  strongest  started  forward. 
Reed,  who  had  made  his  way  through  to  Sutter’s 
Fort,  led  a second  relief  party  to  the  rescue,  and 
another  band,  this  time  seventeen  strong,  started 
on.  This  left  fourteen  at  the  camp.  The  rest 
had  died  and  five  of  this  fourteen  succumbed  to 
the  unequal  battle  before  the  third  relief  party 
arrived  and  started  back  with  five  more. 

There  were  now  left  at  the  camp  a man  named 
Keseburg,  a woman  named  Murphy,  George  Don- 
ner,  who  was  too  ill  to  travel,  and  his  wife,  who 
nobly  refused  to  leave  him.  The  fourth  relief 
party  found  all  of  these  dead  but  Keseburg,  who 
had  sustained  life  by  feeding  on  the  bodies  of  the 
other  three.  He  was  afterward  accused  of  kill- 
ing Donner  for  his  money  and  brought  to  trial. 
Later  the  charge  was  proved  untrue.  Had  Kese- 
burg had  any  such  idea,  he  must  have  known  that 
in  Bonner’s  condition  it  was  unnecessary,  and  he 
was  acquitted. 

Of  the  thirty  hopeful  emigrants  who  had  de- 
parted from  Springfield  dreaming  splendid  dreams 
of  their  new  life  in  this  great  new  country,  only 
eighteen  reached  California.  Of  the  eighty-three 
who  were  snowed  in  at  the  camp  at  the  Lake, 
forty-two  perished. 

There  were  many  parties  which  crossed  the 
plains  and  mountains  to  California  and  suffered 
hardships  and  discouragements  just  as  the  Donner 
party  did.  About  250  persons  came  by  this  route 


The  Coming  of  the  Americans  175 


in  the  one  year,  1845.  Their  stories  if  available 
would  many  of  them  be  fully  as  tragic  as  that  of 
the  Donner  party.  But  the  records  of  the  latter 
are  fairly  complete  and  it  has  long  served  as  the 
type  and  example  of  what  it  meant  to  come  over- 
land to  California  in  the  forties.  The  experi- 
ences of  the  Donner  party  were  probably  worse 
than  most  of  those  who  made  their  way  through, 
but  what  shall  be  said  of  the  hundreds  who  started 
and  were  never  afterward  heard  from  at  all? 


CHAPTER  XVI 


FREMONT THE  BEAR  FLAG  — I 846 


HIS  influx  of  strangers  though  not  great  in 


numbers,  was  working  a rapid  change  in  the 
aspect  of  affairs  in  California.  The  population  of 
the  territory  at  that  time  was  small,  and  its  inter- 
ests were  not  at  all  vitally  bound  up  with  those  of 
Mexico.  In  fact  there  was  undoubtedly  a large 
number  of  people  who  firmly  believed  that  some 
other  sovereignty  would  be  far  better  for  the  prog- 
ress of  the  country.  As  early  as  1835  one  of  Cali- 
fornia’s early  historians,  Mr.  Forbes,  noted  the 
severing  of  the  ties,  which  bound  the  territory  to 
the  central  government.  He  said  at  that  time, 
“ California,  however,  is  a distinct  country  from 
Mexico,  and  has  nothing  in  common  with  it  ex- 
cept that  the  present  inhabitants  are  of  the  same 


This  feeling  became  more  and  more  general  as 
the  years  passed,  and  to  it  was  added  a growing 
conviction,  not  only  that  a political  change  would 
not  be  at  all  bad  for  the  country,  but  that  such  a 
change  was  imminent.  By  June  of  the  year  1846 
this  had  become  a certainty.  The  only  question 
open  was  what  the  exact  nature  of  the  change 
would  be.  It  must  either  be  independence  or  the 


family.” 


J 76 


Fremont  — The  Bear  Flag  177 

substitution  of  the  sovereignty  of  some  other 
power  for  that  of  Mexico.  Independence  was 
never  seriously  considered,  perhaps  because  the 
inhabitants  of  the  territory  knew  it  was  an  im- 
possibility. The  United  States  was  the  most 
frequently  mentioned  as  the  most  natural  and 
probable  solution  of  the  problem.  There  were 
present  a large  number  of  her  citizens,  and  she 
was  the  nearest  power.  But  France,  and  more  es- 
pecially England,  each  had  an  eye  on  California, 
and  there  can  be  no  question  but  that  either  would 
have  been  only  too  glad  to  have  acquired  it  if 
such  an  acquisition  had  not  meant  a war  with  the 
United  States. 

It  may  well  be  asked,  What  were  the  Mexican 
authorities  doing  in  the  face  of  all  this  treasonable 
sentiment?  The  local  officials  strongly  protested 
their  loyalty  to  Mexico  and  frowned  upon  any 
suggestion  of  a change  in  the  political  relations  of 
the  country.  But  even  for  this  they  seldom  could 
spare  the  time.  The  history  of  California  for  the 
year  1845  an<^  the  first  half  of  1846  is  entirely 
occupied  with  the  petty  controversies  of  Pico  and 
Castro.  In  their  personal  quarrels  were  involved 
all  the  old  dissensions  that  had  divided  the  coun- 
try ever  since  the  beginning  of  the  Mexican  regime. 
It  was  the  military  against  the  civil  authorities; 
the  North  against  the  South;  Monterey  against 
Los  Angeles.  In  this  unsettled  condition  of  the 
territory  any  uprising  which  had  any  strength  at 


178 


The  Story  of  California 


all  was  likely  to  succeed  because  of  sheer  weak- 
ness upon  the  part  of  the  government. 

While  Castro  and  Pico  were  quarreling  at  a 
safe  distance  from  each  other,  a band  of  explorers, 
sixty  strong,  was  crossing  the  Rocky  Mountains. 
They  were  searching  under  the  auspices  of  the 
United  States  government  for  the  best  routes  to 
the  Pacific,  and  were  in  command  of  Lieutenant 
Colonel  John  Charles  Fremont  of  the  United 
States  Army  Corps  of  Engineers.*  March  8, 
1845,  this  party  arrived  at  Sutter’s  Fort  and  was 

*John  Charles  Fremont  was  born  at  Savannah,  Georgia, 
January  21,  1813.  His  father  was  greatly  interested  in  the 
study  of  the  North  American  Indians  and  often  took  his 
family  with  him  on  his  visits  to  their  villages.  Young  Fre- 
mont for  a time  read  law  and  was  then  put  into  a school  to 
study  for  the  ministry.  He  excelled  in  mathematics,  however, 
and  all  his  inclinations  were  toward  engineering.  After  leav- 
ing college,  he  did  not  enter  the  ministry  but  opened  a school 
in  Charleston.  While  conducting  this  school  he  was  employed 
to  survey  the  rice-field  of  a wealthy  neighbor.  So  well  did 
he  perform  this  task  that  he  was  given  other  and  larger 
work  in  the  same  line.  He  soon  became  a professor  of  mathe- 
matics in  the  United  States  navy,  and  was  later  transferred 
to  the  engineering  corps  of  the  army.  In  July,  1838,  he  was 
commissioned  a second  lieutenant  of  topographical  engineers 
and  was  sent  west  to  take  charge  of  exploring  expeditions. 
In  October,  1841,  he  married  Jessie  Benton,  a daughter  of 
Senator  Thomas  H.  Benton  of  Missouri.  This  connection 
became  of  much  value  to  him  in  his  later  life.  Fremont’s 
first  expedition  was  in  1842  from  the  Missouri  River  to  the 
Rockies.  On  this  expedition  he  climbed  the  highest  peak  of 
that  chain.  The  following  year  he  went  still  farther  west, 
reaching  Oregon  and  California.  His  reports  of  these  two 
trips  are  an  important  contribution  to  the  scientific  and  geo- 
graphical literature  of  the  time.  His  third  expedition,  the 
one  which  brought  him  to  California  to  stay,  started  in  the 
fall  of  1845. 


Fremont  — The  Bear  Flag 


179 


given  a cordial  welcome.  After  a few  days  spent 
in  the  congenial  atmosphere  of  the  fort,  the  band 
passed  on  down  through  the  San  Joaquin  Valley 
and  out  at  the  southeastern  corner  of  the  terri- 
tory. 

The  next  year,  however,  Fremont  was  back  in 
California  again.  He  arrived  at  Monterey  in 
January,  when  talk  of  war  between  the  United 
States  and  Mexico  was  rife.  But  war  had  not 
been  declared  as  yet  and  these  explorers  felt 
secure  in  their  position  as  guests  from  a friendly 
nation.  To  be  sure,  Prefect  Castro  asked  the  rea- 
son of  the  “ invasion  of  his  department  by  Ameri- 
can troops,”  but  Fremont  courteously  replied  that 
his  party  was  not  made  up  of  soldiers  but  that  they 
were  surveyors,  assistants,  guides,  and  the  neces- 
sary helpers.  The  Mexican  commandant  was  fur- 
ther assured  that  they  were  in  the  neighborhood 
simply  for  the  purpose  of  securing  supplies  and 
that  as  soon  as  this  object  was  accomplished  they 
intended  to  move  on  into  Oregon. 

Castro  gave  his  consent  to  this  course,  or  at 
least  he  did  not  forbid  it,  and  Fremont  took  the 
consent  for  granted.  He  soon  had  his  party  un- 
der way,  but  instead  of  going  north  as  the  author- 
ities expected,  it  went  south  and  west  into  the 
fertile  and  thickly  populated  valleys  near  Santa 
Cruz.  Castro  was  greatly  angered  at  this  course 
which  he  could  only  look  upon  as  perfidious,  and 
ordered  Fremont  to  leave  California  at  once,  inti- 


180 


The  Story  of  California 


mating  that  unless  he  did  so,  the  Mexicans  would 
take  measures  to  enforce  his  departure.  Fre- 
mont chose  to  consider  himself  outraged  also,  con- 
struing Castro’s  tacit  consent  to  his  going  to  Ore- 
gon into  permission  to  roam  over  California  at 
will.  Therefore,  when  he  received  the  command- 
ant’s threatening  messages,  he  did  not  even  deign 
to  make  a written  answer,  but  simply  sent  back  his 
verbal  refusal  to  comply.  His  men  immediately 
fortified  Gavilan  Peak,  a small  mountain  with 
steep  sides,  raised  the  American  flag,  and  bade 
Castro  do  his  worst. 

Of  course  this  action  on  the  part  of  the  young 
Colonel  was  entirely  unwarranted  and  inexcusable 
but  it  serves  to  show  the  fearless  and  determined 
character  of  the  man.  The  little  band  watched 
through  their  glasses  for  several  days  the  gather- 
ing of  the  Mexican  troops.  Castro  had  called  for 
volunteers  and  about  two  hundred  men  had  an- 
swered the  call.  They  were  not  at  all  eager  to 
attack  American  plainsmen  behind  log  redoubts, 
however,  and  no  advance  was  made  upon  Fre- 
mont. The  latter’s  forces  were  becoming  fearful 
of  the  failure  of  their  water  supply,  and  withdrew 
from  the  Peak,  retiring  to  New  Helvetia.  The 
Californians  loudly  proclaimed  their  “ victory,” 
but  made  no  attempt  to  pursue  the  retreating 
Americans.  The  latter  left  Sutter’s  Fort  March 
24  for  Oregon. 

About  this  time  there  arrived  in  the  department 


Fremont  — The  Bear  Flag  181 


a lieutenant  of  the  United  States  army,  Archibald 
Gillespie  by  name.  He  made  inquiries  as  to  the 
whereabouts  of  Colonel  Fremont,  and  learning 
that  he  had  left  for  Oregon,  set  out  to  find  him. 
Gillespie  overtook  Fremont’s  party  just  after  they 
had  suffered  the  loss  of  three  of  their  number  by 
a treacherous  attack  of  Indians  whom  they  had 
been  led  to  believe  were  friendly.  Gillespie  de- 
livered to  his  superior  officer  certain  dispatches 
and  letters  whose  contents  are  now  unknown  but 
which  have  been  the  subject  of  almost  endless  con- 
tention between  the  supporters  and  detractors  of 
the  “ gallant  Fremont.”  But  while  the  exact  na- 
ture of  the  dispatches  is  not  known,  we  do  know 
that  he  immediately  retraced  his  steps  to  Sutter’s 
Fort  and  gave  up  any  intention  of  going  on  to 
Oregon  at  that  time. 

Very  shortly  after  Fremont’s  return  to  the  Fort, 
a party  of  filibusters  seized,  near  San  Francisco,  a 
convoy  of  horses  from  Mexican  troops  under 
Lieutenant  Arce.  This  was  an  act  of  war  though 
no  one  knew  as  yet  that  the  Mexican  government 
was  at  war  with  any  power.  The  next  startling 
event  occurred  at  Sonoma.  General  Vallejo  was 
the  principal  figure  in  this  part  of  the  country,  and 
at  daybreak  on  the  morning  of  June  14,  he 
awoke  to  find  his  house  surrounded  by  a band  of 
rough-looking  men  dressed  in  leather  hunting  cos- 
tume. Fie  went  out  and  demanded  their  business. 
Receiving  no  answer,  he  invited  the  leaders  into 


182 


The  Story  of  California 


his  house.  These  included  Ezekiel  Merritt  and 
Dr.  Semple.  The  others  impatiently  waited  out- 
side for  nearly  an  hour.  They  finally  decided  to 
investigate  and  appointed  William  B.  Ide  to  go  in 
and  report.  He  found  all  within  moderately 
drunk  with  the  moderation  decreasing  as  fast  as 
Vallejo’s  good  wine  could  decrease  it.  His  report 
of  these  facts  caused  a commotion  outside  and  the 
Vallejos,  father  and  son,  came  out.  They  asked 
to  whom  they  were  to  surrender.  No  one  knew. 
Some  lost  heart,  began  to  fear  the  consequences  of 
their  action,  and  talked  of  returning  to  their 
homes,  but  Ide  grasped  the  situation.  He  told 
his  companions  that  if  they  stopped  now  they  were 
no  better  than  brigands  and  would  be  treated  as 
such,  but  if  they  went  on  and  won  they  would  be 
the  saviors  of  California. 

This  speech  carried  the  day  and  made  Ide  the 
leader  of  the  Bear  Flag  Revolution,  for  by  this 
name  the  uprising  started  by  this  band  of  thirty- 
two  American  ranchers  came  to  be  known.  The 
Vallejos  and  their  secretary  were  seized  and 
taken  to  Sacramento,  where  they  were  kept  in 
ignominious  confinement  in  rough  and  inconven- 
ient quarters  for  two  months  in  defiance  of  all 
justice  and  reason,  and  in  sorry  requital  of  Valle- 
jo’s kindness  to  Americans. 

Ide  and  his  followers  after  disposing  of  the 
Vallejos  proceeded  to  the  formation  of  a scheme 
of  government  for  the  “ California  Republic.” 


Fremont  — The  Bear  Flag 


183 


This  was  accomplished  by  conferring  the  powers 
of  government  upon  the  commander,  and  elect- 
ing two  lieutenants  to  assist  him  in  their  adminis- 
tration. The  need  of  a banner  was  felt  and  the 
famous  Bear  Flag  was  brought  forth  to  supply 
the  need.  A star  and  stripe  were  to  be  expected 
on  the  flag  of  any  modern  republic,  but  it  was 
necessary  to  add  something  to  these  characteristics 
to  distinguish  the  emblem  from  that  of  Texas.  A 
grizzly  bear  was  suggested  and  met  with  enthu- 
siastic approval.  The  first  flag  was  made  of  white 
cotton  with  a red  flannel  stripe  across  the  top.  A 
star  was  painted  in  in  red  and  the  bear  in  black. 
Some  critics  held  that  the  animal  looked  more  like 
a pig.  Bancroft  feels  certain,  however,  that  such 
suggestions  can  only  come  from  those  who  have 
no  respect  for  the  feelings  of  the  pig.  Another 
necessary  feature  of  any  governmental  act  in  Cali- 
fornia was  a proclamation.  On  the  15th  of  June 
Ide  issued  a very  wordy  one  which  contained  many 
splendid  generalizations,  with  the  idea  of  putting 
the  revolutionists  in  the  right  light  before  the 
world. 

While  this  progress  was  being  made  on  the 
political  side,  the  military  side  of  the  revolution 
saw  less  activity.  No  more  battles  were  fought. 
There  were  several  skirmishes  which  savored 
strongly  of  plundering  expeditions  and  both  sides 
laid  themselves  open  to  charges  of  cold-blooded 
murder.  On  the  whole,  however,  the  revolution 


184 


The  Story  of  California 


was  well  conducted  and  those  were  very  few  who 
were  substantially  injured  by  any  phase  of  it. 

On  July  4 a great  public  celebration  was  held 
at  Sonoma  at  which  the  country  was  declared  inde- 
pendent. Martial  law  was  proclaimed,  and  an 
oath  was  taken  to  obey  the  officers.  The  success 
of  the  revolution  was  now  assured  and  the  credit 
for  this  success  was  William  Ide’s.  What  then 
was  his  chagrin,  when,  at  the  very  threshold  of 
his  reward,  Fremont  calmly  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  movement  and  Ide  found  himself 
shouldered  out  of  office  and  out  of  public  notice. 
His  greatness  was  gone  forever.  We  can  but 
sympathize  with  his  righteous  anger  at  his  fate, 
while  recognizing  that  he  was  almost  wholly  un- 
fitted for  leadership.  He  was  an  uneducated 
dreamer  who  spent  his  time  during  his  brief  career 
as  a ruler  forming  plans  for  a Utopian  republic  in 
which  everything  should  be  perfect,  and  which 
should  be  conducted  without  any  interference  at 
all  from  such  a thing  as  human  nature.  His  plan 
was  independence  and  then  annexation.  He  bit- 
terly exclaimed  that  from  the  time  of  Fremont’s 
intrusion  into  the  leadership  the  whole  character 
of  the  movement  was  lowered. 

Fremont’s  term  as  the  head  of  the  new  republic 
was  destined  to  be  extremely  brief,  for  five  days 
after  his  assumption  of  the  dignities  of  office,  news 
came  to  Sonoma  of  the  capture  of  Monterey  by 


Fremont  — The  Bear  Flag 


185 


the  Americans,  and  the  Stars  and  Stripes  went  to 
the  masthead  to  take  the  place  of  the  Bear  Flag 
which  fluttered  down  never  to  rise  again. 

The  position  of  Colonel  Fremont  throughout 
the  Bear  Flag  Revolt  was  an  equivocal  one,  and 
even  today  his  motives  are  not  at  all  clear.  That 
he  aided  and  abetted  in  every  way  the  men  who 
took  an  active  part  in  the  movement  there  can  be 
no  question.  But  he  would  commit  no  overt  act 
himself  nor  allow  himself  to  be  drawn  into  the 
affair  publicly  until  its  success  was  assured.  His 
actions  have  been  the  theme  of  almost  endless  con- 
troversies among  his  fellow-citizens,  his  fellow- 
politicians,  and  California  historians. 

There  is  a story  which  was  given  currency  by 
Fremont  himself,  and  has  been  frequently  re- 
peated, to  the  effect  that  Lieutenant  Gillespie, 
when  he  overtook  Fremont  on  his  way  to  Oregon, 
carried  secret  dispatches  from  the  United  States 
government  which  ordered  him  to  return  to  Cali- 
fornia and  bring  about  a political  upheaval.  But 
if  there  were  any  such  dispatches  they  were 
directly  contrary  to  instructions  sent  by  the  same 
messenger  from  the  same  authority  to  Thomas  O. 
Larkin,  the  American  consul  at  Monterey.  Lar- 
kin’s instructions  were  to  bring  about  the  peaceful 
separation  of  the  territory  from  Mexico  and  its 
annexation  to  the  United  States.  In  view  of  this 
evidence  Fremont’s  attempt  to  give  the  impression 


186  The  Story  of  California 

that  he  was  acting  under  instructions  fr^m  the 
authorities  at  Washington  must  fail. 

When  all  phases  of  the  matter  are  examined  it 
is  hard  to  avoid  the  conviction  that  Fremont’s 
strongest  motive  throughout  the  affair  was  that  of 
personal  ambition.  He  expected  the  news  of  a 
declaration  of  war  at  any  moment  and  thought  by 
taking  immediate  action  to  gain  for  himself  the 
honor  of  the  conquest  of  California.  If  war  was 
not  declared  his  leadership  promised  prominence 
in  an  independent  California  republic.  He  took 
the  risk,  and  if  this  was  his  true  motive  he  must 
have  been  well  satisfied  with  the  result,  for  it  made 
him  a popular  hero,  a major-general,  a millionaire, 
a Senator  of  the  United  States,  and  a candidate 
for  the  presidency. 

As  an  event  in  the  social  progress  of  California 
the  Bear  Flag  revolution  was  a startling  develop- 
ment. It  was  utterly  at  variance  with  the  policy  of 
the  United  States  in  regard  to  the  territory.  The 
time  for  action  was  queerly  chosen,  as  news  of 
war  was  daily  expected.  The  whole  movement 
was  ill-timed  and  ill-advised.  The  usual  reason 
assigned  by  its  apologists,  self-defense  on  the  part 
of  American  settlers  against  the  oppression  of 
Castro,  is  hardly  sufficient.  To  be  sure  he  had 
ordered  all  Americans  not  naturalized  to  leave 
the  country,  thus  virtually  giving  them  their  choice 
between  death  in  the  c®untry  and  death  in  the 
mountains,  but  there  were  few  indeed  of  the  set- 


Fremont  — The  Bear  Flag  187 


tiers  who  did  not  realize  that  these  orders  were 
mere  empty  bluster  and  that  it  was  utterly  impos- 
sible for  Castro  to  enforce  them.  Perhaps  a very 
small  number  of  the  revolutionists  acted  honestly 
in  this  belief.  But  many  of  them  were  adventurers 
pure  and  simple.  They  were  reckless  men  with 
nothing  to  lose,  and  the  turmoil  of  a revolution 
always  made  opportunities  to  seize  some  advan- 
tage. Another  class  of  adventurers,  slightly  bet- 
ter than  the  last,  sought  office  under  a new  dis- 
pensation, believing  that  California  manifestly 
belonged  to  the  United  States  and  the  quicker  it 
was  brought  in  the  better. 

These  men  regarded  the  Californians  as  an  in- 
ferior race  who  must  be  taught  the  blessings  of 
liberty  under  the  American  flag.  They  were  all 
filibusters  and  entitled  to  none  of  the  praise  which 
the  world  so  gladly  affords  to  honest  revolutionists 
struggling  against  oppression.  Some  have  at- 
tempted to  give  credit  to  them  for  effecting  the 
change  to  the  control  of  the  United  States,  but, 
in  fact,  the  movement  had  nothing  to  do  with 
the  conquest,  which  would  have  gone  on  exactly 
the  same  without  it.  On  the  contrary  it  is  the  Bear 
Flag  incident  that  marks  the  beginning  of  all  the 
degradation  and  oppression  of  the  Californians  by 
the  Americans.  From  that  time  the  two  races  mis- 
understood and  hated  each  other.  Without  Fre- 
mont’s misguided  activities,  Larkin  would  un- 
doubtedly have  brought  about  the  conquest  of 


188 


The  Story  of  California 


California  freed  from  this  misunderstanding  and 
hatred.  In  all  the  list  of  Americans  who  had  to 
do  with  the  conquest  and  early  administration  of 
California,  the  name  of  Thomas  O.  Larkin  alone 
stands  above  criticism. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

THE  AMERICAN  CONQUEST I 846 

ICOR  nearly  forty  years  several  of  the  great  na- 
tions  of  the  world  had  been  growing  into  a 
realization  of  the  fact  that  along  the  Pacific  Coast 
of  North  America  there  lay  a country  rich  in  the 
things  that  make  a country  worth  having.  To  be 
sure  this  country  had  always  been  a source  of 
expense  and  never  of  any  profit  to  Spain,  but  she 
had  lost  it  before  the  time  for  reaping  the  harvest 
came.  Mexico,  her  successor,  was  blind  to  the 
value  of  her  northern  territory  and  made  no  effort 
either  to  develop  the  country  or  to  strengthen  the 
ties  that  bound  it  to  the  central  government.  It 
was  evident  to  all  long  before  the  summer  of  1846 
that  the  country  was  under  the  control  of  a lazy 
and  unenterprising  people,  and  that  it  would  surely 
soon  pass  into  other  hands. 

The  question  as  to  whose  hands  it  would  pass 
into  long  remained  an  open  one.  The  soft  climate 
and  fertile  soil,  in  so  many  ways  like  her  own, 
were  attractive  to  France.  Russia  had  always  had 
in  mind  an  advance  from  Bodega  Bay  which  would 
take  in  the  San  Francisco  Bay  district.  England 
wanted  the  control  of  the  splendid  harbors  on  the 
coast.  And  the  United  States  had  been  keeping 

189 


190 


The  Story  of  California 


a very  close  watch  on  everything  which  transpired 
in  California  ever  since  the  Lewis  and  Clark 
expedition  as  far  back  as  1806.  Even  the  year 
before  that  there  must  have  been  some  demon- 
stration, because  in  1805  a militia  company  of 
seventy  men  was  formed  to  defend  the  country 
against  “Yankee”  schemes  of  conquest. 

The  attention  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States  was  first  drawn  to  California  by  the  gen- 
eral use  of  San  Francisco  as  a port  by  the  New 
England  whalers.  Captain  William  Shaler  pub- 
lished in  the  United  States  in  1808  an  account  of 
his  visit  to  California.  He  remarked  that  “ under 
a good  government  the  Californias  would  soon 
rise  to  ease  and  affluence.”  In  his  opinion  the 
territory  would  be  an  easy  prey  to  some  foreign 
nation,  and  he  did  not  hide  his  conviction  that  the 
United  States  should  be  that  nation. 

While  it  is  impossible  to  determine  the  actual 
plans  which  the  rulers  of  France,  England  and 
the  United  States  had  formed  in  regard  to  Cali- 
fornia, it  is  certain  that  its  advantages  were  recog- 
nized by  all  of  them.  And  it  was  equally  well 
understood  that  it  could  not  long  remain  under 
the  control  of  Mexico.  The  Americans  always 
took  it  for  granted  that  sooner  or  later  California 
would  belong  to  the  United  States.  In  their  minds 
there  was  an  idea  that  their  country  had  a natural 
right  to  this  western  shore  line.  The  Monroe 
Doctrine  kept  the  European  powers  at  a distance. 


SAN  FRANCISCO  IN  1S47 
(From  an  old  print) 


H 


>• 


■a 


The  American  Conquest  191 

They  did  not  want  California  at  the  price  of  a 
war  with  the  United  States.  And  yet  they  did  not 
entirely  give  up  hope  that  some  turn  of  fate  would 
throw  the  country  into  their  hands.  It  was  the 
keenness  and  evident  anxiety  with  which  the  Eng- 
lish were  watching  developments  in  California 
that  led  Commodore  Jones  into  his  premature  rais- 
ing of  the  American  flag  at  Monterey  in  1842. 
The  Britons  were  expected  at  any  moment  and 
prompt  action  was  necessary.  Jones  thought  best 
to  err  on  the  side  of  action. 

Although  this  procedure  of  Commodore  Jones 
was  disavowed  by  the  United  States,  it  plainly 
showed  the  feeling  of  the  American  people  with 
regard  to  California.  There  were  other  indica- 
tions just  as  strong  or  even  stronger.  During 
Andrew  Jackson’s  administration  a proposal  was 
made  to  Mexico  to  purchase  all  of  northern  Cali- 
fornia and  the  emissary  of  the  United  States  was 
authorized  to  offer  probably  $5,000,000  for  terri- 
tory which  should  include  San  Francisco  Bay.  This 
transaction  was  prevented  by  the  British.  Presi- 
dent Polk  after  his  inauguration  was  outspoken  in 
his  conviction  that  the  acquisition  of  California 
was  one  of  the  four  principal  objects  of  his  admin- 
istration. A second  attempt  was  made  to  pur- 
chase the  territory  through  John  Slidell  but  it 
failed  like  the  first.  Then  came  the  instructions 
to  Thomas  O.  Larkin,  the  American  consul  at 
Monterey,  to  bring  about  a peaceful  defection  of 


192 


The  Story  of  California 


the  territory  from  Mexico  and  its  immediate  an- 
nexation to  the  United  States.  Such  instructions 
to  a consul  to  a friendly  nation  cannot  be  regarded 
as  highly  creditable  to  the  honor  of  the  Washing- 
ton government,  but  they  show  to  what  extent 
the  determination  to  have  California  at  any  price 
had  grown. 

Although  this  determination  was  shared  by  all 
factions  in  the  United  States,  the  terms  of  the 
admission  of  the  country  were  the  center  of  a 
struggle  in  the  halls  of  congress  far  more  severe 
than  any  which  was  expected  in  California  itself. 
The  all-absorbing  question  at  the  time  was  slavery. 
To  this  vast  moral  and  economic  problem  prac- 
tically all  of  the  thinking  minds  in  the  United 
States  were  turned.  The  members  of  the  Senate 
were  equally  divided  between  the  North  and  the 
South,  and  so  equally  divided  on  the  great  ques- 
tion. Each  side  wanted  California  to  come  in 
under  the  system  to  which  it  was  devoted.  Neither 
would  give  in.  Yet  they  were  agreed  that  the 
territory  must  be  acquired,  and  preparations  and 
expectations  went  on. 

As  to  the  preparations  which  might  be  made 
by  Mexico  and  California  for  the  change  which 
even  they  must  have  seen  impending,  there  were 
practically  none.  One  instance  shows  the  unpre- 
pared condition  of  the  territory  for  defense  and 
the  utter  futility  of  any  attempts  at  preparation. 
When  Texas  became  annexed  to  the  United 


The  American  Conquest  193 

States  the  Mexican  minister  instructed  Governor 
Micheltorena  to  prepare  for  the  defense  of  Cali- 
fornia. These  instructions  he  carried  out  by  im- 
mediately removing  all  the  cannon  at  Monterey 
out  of  reach  of  the  expected  invaders  and  for 
more  than  a week  the  capital  of  California  was 
the  scene  of  constant  activity  on  the  part  of  his 
cholo  army,  which  was  ready  to  retreat  at  a 
moment’s  notice.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  had 
also  removed  their  effects  into  the  interior  because 
they  feared  not  the  Americans,  but  the  excesses 
of  the  cholos. 

At  last  the  long-expected  storm  broke.  After 
several  skirmishes  between  the  opposing  forces, 
the  United  States  declared,  on  May  13,  1846,  that 
war  existed  by  act  of  Mexico.  But  the  object  of 
the  war  was  so  thinly  veiled  that  this  declaration 
deceived  no  one.  The  acquisition  of  California 
was  almost  openly  avowed  by  officials  as  the  pri- 
mary object  and  the  occupation  of  the  territory 
was  one  of  the  first  matters  to  receive  the  atten- 
tion of  the  authorities  at  Washington. 

Commodore  John  D.  Sloat  was  in  command  of 
the  Pacific  squadron,  which  consisted  of  seven  ves- 
sels and  a transport.  This  fleet  was  in  Central 
American  waters  when  its  commander  received 
through  Dr.  William  M.  Wood,  a surgeon  in  the 
United  States  navy,  the  news  of  battles  being 
fought  on  the  frontier.  Commodore  Sloat  pro- 
ceeded at  once  with  his  fleet  to  Monterey,  where 


194 


The  Story  of  California 

he  arrived  July  2.  He  met  with  no  opposition 
whatever  and  on  July  7,  1846,  he  landed  250  men, 
raised  the  American  flag  over  the  town  amid  the 
booming  of  a salute  of  twenty-one  guns,  and  pro- 
claimed the  conquest  by  the  United  States.  He 
had  already  sent  orders  to  Captain  Montgomery 
in  command  of  the  Portsmouth  at  Yerba  Buena 
to  do  the  same  thing  at  San  Francisco,  and  the 
flag  flew  over  that  port  on  July  9,  seventy  ma- 
rines being  landed  to  take  the  place.  The  same 
day  the  Bear  Flag  fluttered  down  at  Sonoma  and 
the  Stars  and  Stripes  were  raised  in  its  stead. 

Sloat  issued  a proclamation  requesting  all  Cali- 
fornia officials  to  continue  the  administration  of 
their  offices  and  asked  that  everything  be  con- 
tinued as  usual  until  a new  government  could  be 
established.  Captain  Thomas  Fallon  captured 
San  Jose  on  July  13.  On  the  15th,  Commodore 
Stockton  arrived  from  Honolulu  and  four  days 
later  Fremont  came  down  from  the  north.  He 
organized  what  was  known  as  the  California  Bat- 
talion of  Mounted  Riflemen  who  did  much  to 
bring  about  the  conquest  of  the  country  without  a 
battle. 

Stockton,  who  had  succeeded  Sloat  in  command, 
accepted  the  services  of  this  battalion,  adopted  the 
acts  of  the  Bear  Flag  Revolt,  and  determined  to 
pursue  the  conquest  by  taking  the  interior  towns. 
Fremont  was  despatched  to  San  Diego,  which  he 
took  without  resistance  on  the  29th.  Stockton 


The  American  Conquest  195 

himself  occupied  Santa  Barbara  on  August  4,  and 
San  Pedro  on  the  6th.  From  here  he  prepared  to 
attack  Los  Angeles,  the  capital  of  the  province. 
Governor  Pico,  and  Castro,  the  commandant,  fled, 
and  the  flag  of  the  United  States  was  raised  at 
Los  Angeles  without  opposition  on  August  13. 

Meanwhile  Stockton  had  fallen  a victim  to  the 
Californian  habit  of  issuing  proclamations.  The 
first  appeared  July  29,  and  contained  many  un- 
called for  and  offensive  references  to  the  natives. 
These  aspersions  were  inspired  by  Fremont  who 
took  advantage  of  the  Commodore’s  ignorance  of 
the  real  situation  and  reliance  upon  him,  to  strike 
at  his  own  enemies.  On  August  17,  a second 
proclamation  was  issued  which  in  exaggerated 
terms  declared  California  free  from  Mexico  and 
that  it  was  a military  conquest  of  the  United 
States.  Stockton’s  attitude  in  emphasizing  the 
occupation  as  a conquest  is  indefensible,  for  he 
nowhere  met  with  the  slightest  resistance. 

September  2 the  Commodore  appointed  Fre- 
mont military  commander  of  the  territory.  He 
was  convinced  that  the  entire  country  was  quiet 
and  that  the  American  eonquest  was  complete. 
His  plan  was  to  appoint  Fremont  as  civil  gov- 
ernor and  leaving  him  in  charge,  to  sail  himself 
to  conduct  operations  upon  the  coast  of  Mexico. 
This  appointment  he  made,  despatching  Kit  Car- 
son  to  Washington  with  messages  stating  the  con- 
dition of  the  territory  and  the  steps  he  had  taken 


196 


The  Story  of  California 


to  establish  a government.  This  done  he  and 
Fremont  went  north  again. 

Commodore  Stockton  was  probably  warranted 
in  his  assumption  that  the  country  was  conquered 
and  that  there  would  be  no  fighting,  but  neverthe- 
less, such  was  not  to  be  the  case.  Toward  the 
end  of  September,  John  Brown,  after  a famous 
ride  on  horseback,  brought  the  news  to  Monterey 
that  there  was  an  uprising  at  Los  Angeles  and 
that  Gillespie,  who  was  in  command  there,  was 
hard  pressed.  The  Lieutenant  had  about  fifty 
men  and  ordinarily  this  would  have  been  a suffi- 
cient force  to  hold  the  town.  But  as  has  already 
been  seen,  Los  Angeles  was  the  home  of  a very 
turbulent  population  and  trouble  was  inevitable 
if  Gillespie  tried  to  preserve  order.  This  of 
course  he  attempted  and  the  natives  besieged  his 
garrison. 

The  trouble  began  at  the  Chino  ranch  of  Isaac 
Williams  on  September  26.  Llere  about  seventy 
Californians  of  tougher  fibre  than  most  had  cap- 
tured about  twenty  Americans  who  had  little  or  no 
ammunition.  This  skirmish  was  not  of  any  impor- 
tance as  far  as  the  direct  results  were  concerned, 
but  its  moral  effect  upon  the  Californians  was 
tremendous.  It  had  demonstrated  that  they  could 
defeat  the  Americans  if  they  were  in  sufficient 
numbers.  While  heretofore  the  Californians  had 
derided  Fremont’s  men  as  bears  and  the  Ameri- 
can marines  as  clowns,  still  they  did  not  dare  to 


The  American  Conquest 


197 


meet  them  in  open  fight.  The  Americans,  on  the 
other  hand,  regarded  the  Californians  as  gueril- 
las who  never  could  be  made  to  fight.  Each  side 
had  underrated  the  other.  But  this  skirmish  at 
the  Chino  ranch  had  served  to  convince  the  na- 
tives that  they  were  correct  in  their  estimate  of 
the  invaders  and  gave  them  new  boldness. 

They  besieged  Gillespie  at  Los  Angeles  and  it 
did  not  take  the  Lieutenant  long  to  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  best  thing  he  could  do  was  to 
retire.  This  he  was  given  permission  to  do,  and 
was  at  the  same  time  guaranteed  against  molesta- 
tion while  he  withdrew.  Gillespie  made  his  way 
from  Los  Angeles  to  San  Pedro  and  embarked 
on  the  merchant  ship  V andalia.  He  did  this 
with  the  greatest  deliberation  and  for  his  slow- 
ness was  accused  of  bad  faith  by  the  Mexicans. 
It  is  quite  possible  that  he  did  not  hurry  matters 
in  the  hope  that  a war  ship  might  arrive  and  save 
the  situation,  but  no  ship  came.  His  evacuation 
was  followed  by  that  of  the  small  garrisons  at 
San  Diego  and  Santa  Barbara. 

All  southern  California  was  now  up  in  arms 
against  the  invaders.  Jose  Maria  Flores  had  been 
elected  governor  and  had  taken  the  lead  in  the 
movement.  He  directed  the  military  operations 
between  San  Pedro  and  Los  Angeles  when  Cap- 
tain Mervine  attempted  to  retrieve  the  fortunes 
of  the  United  States  in  the  south.  Mervine  ar- 
rived at  the  harbor  of  San  Pedro  in  command  of 


198 


The  Story  of  California 


the  Savannah  on  October  6.  He  landed  350 
marines  and  with  Gillespie’s  fifty  men,  set  out  to 
recapture  the  southern  capital.  But  the  Califor- 
nians had  driven  away  every  horse  from  the  vicin- 
ity of  the  port.  While  only  200  strong  them- 
selves they  were  splendidly  mounted.  They  had 
one  small  cannon  which  was  trained  on  the  road 
near  the  Dominguez  ranch.  When  the  Americans 
came  within  range,  this  gun  was  fired  and  then 
hauled  back  out  of  reach,  as  it  had  been  tied 
by  lariats  to  the  saddle  horns  of  several  of  the 
Mexicans.  When  a safe  distance  had  been  cov- 
ered it  was  reloaded  and  when  the  Americans  had 
again  marched  up  within  its  range,  was  again  fired. 
This  performance  was  repeated  until  six  of  the 
Americans  had  fallen.  The  bravery  of  the  ma- 
rines was  unavailing  in  this  kind  of  warfare  and 
Mervine  ordered  a retreat.  They  retired  carry- 
ing their  wounded  and  the  bodies  of  the  dead  with 
them.  The  latter  they  buried  on  a small  island 
in  the  harbor.* 

Commodore  Stockton  arrived  at  San  Pedro  on 
October  23,  and  because  of  the  lack  of  horses 
there  decided  not  to  run  the  risk  of  repeating 
Mervine’s  experience  but  to  go  on  to  San  Diego 
and  direct  operations  against  Los  Angeles  from 

• Bancroft  says  that  this  island  owes  its  present  appella- 
tion, “Dead  Man’s  Island,”  to  this  circumstance;  but  R.  H. 
Dana  in  his  “Two  Years  Before  the  Mast,”  written  in  1836 
speaks  of  it  by  this  name  and  tells  of  an  English  captain  who 
was  buried  there. 


The  American  Conquest  199 

that  point.  A force  of  over  800  men,  the  largest 
military  gathering  yet  seen  in  California,  was 
mobilized  at  San  Diego  in  the  early  part  of  No- 
vember, preparatory  to  a move  on  the  southern 
capital. 

While  these  events  were  transpiring,  General 
Stephen  W.  Kearny  had  entered  California  from 
New  Mexico  by  way  of  the  Colorado  River.  He 
had  left  Santa  Fe  with  over  300  men  under  orders 
to  proceed  to  California,  wrest  the  territory  from 
Mexico,  and  hold  it  for  the  United  States.  On 
his  way  to  the  coast  he  met  Kit  Carson  bearing 
despatches  to  Washington  from  Stockton.  Gen- 
eral Kearny  learned  from  this  famous  scout  that 
the  conquest  of  California  had  already  been  com- 
pleted and  that  the  territory  was  in  the  peaceful 
possession  of  the  forces  of  the  United  States. 
Also  he  learned  what  a poor  opinion  Carson  held 
of  the  native  Californians;  how  they  were  cowards 
and  would  not  fight.  He  therefore  sent  back  to 
Santa  Fe  all  but  120  of  his  men. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Carson  had  left 
Los  Angeles  on  his  mission  to  the  government  at 
Washington  before  the  revolt  in  the  south  was 
begun.  He  knew  nothing  and  could  guess  noth- 
ing of  the  disturbance  which  had  broken  out  since 
his  departure.  General  Kearny  marched  forward 
therefore  with  a diminished  force  into  the  midst 
of  a troubled  situation  for  which  he  was  totally 
unprepared.  Early  in  December  he  was  brought 


200 


The  Story  of  California 


to  a realization  of  his  mistake,  which  came  very 
near  having  a disastrous  ending. 

Captain  Andres  Pico  had  been  sent  south  by 
Flores  to  harass  Stockton  at  San  Diego  and  to 
keep  horses  and  supplies  away  from  the  Ameri- 
cans. On  the  night  of  December  5 he  encamped 
with  his  small  body  of  troops  at  the  Indian  pueblo 
of  San  Pascual  in  Kearny’s  immediate  vicinity. 
Kearny  learned  that  these  men  were  there,  before 
Pico  knew  of  his  approach.  The  American  gen- 
eral determined  to  advance  in  the  morning  and 
drive  back  what  he  chose  to  consider  a band  of 
marauders.  His  men,  and  more  especially  his 
animals,  were  in  no  condition  for  a fight  as  they 
were  almost  exhausted  from  their  trip  across  the 
desert.  Many  of  his  men  were  even  mounted  on 
mules  because  of  the  scarcity  of  horses.  But 
Kearny  was  convinced  from  Carson’s  stories  that 
a loud  noise  was  all  that  was  necessary  to  defeat 
the  Californians. 

As  his  advance  guard  of  fifteen  men  came  to  the 
top  of  the  hill  overlooking  Pico’s  camp,  Kearny, 
in  the  full  confidence  of  his  ignorance,  ordered 
a charge,  expecting  to  see  the  enemy  flee  as  Car- 
son  had  told  him  they  would  do.  But  Carson’s 
experience  was  before  Chino,  and  the  retreat  from 
Los  Angeles,  and  Mervine’s  disaster  at  Domin- 
quez Rancho.  To  be  sure  the  Californians  re- 
treated: they  fled.  But  in  the  first  exchange  of 
volleys  they  had  killed  Captain  Johnston,  who  was 


The  American  Conquest  201 

in  command  of  the  advance  guard.  The  Ameri- 
cans galloped  on  in  reckless  pursuit  of  the  de- 
spised and  flying  enemy  but  soon  began  to  realize 
the  weakness  of  their  condition.  Mounted  on 
fresh  horses,  the  Californians  easily  distanced 
their  pursuers.  The  latter,  because  of  the  ex- 
hausted condition  of  their  mounts,  were  drawn 
out  into  a long  straggling  line. 

Suddenly  the  apparently  defeated  Californians 
wheeled  upon  their  enemies.  As  they  came  up  one 
by  one  the  long  lances  of  the  natives  did  deadly 
execution.  The  firearms  of  the  Americans  had 
been  discharged  in  the  first  rush  and  there  had 
been  no  chance  to  reload.  Clubbed  guns  and 
sabres  in  the  hands  of  poorly  mounted  soldiers 
were  no  match  for  long  sharp  lances  in  the  hands 
of  the  world’s  finest  horsemen.  The  Americans, 
coming  up  in  increasing  numbers,  finally  drove  off 
their  assailants  but  eighteen  of  their  own  men  lay 
dead  upon  the  field.  Nineteen  more  were  seriously 
wounded.  The  Mexican  loss  was  about  twelve 
wounded. 

The  Americans  camped  on  the  field  and  could 
perhaps  claim  the  day.  But  it  was  a Pyrrhian  vic- 
tory; its  fruits  were  nothing.  The  next  morning 
the  weary  troops  set  out  for  San  Diego  but  were 
almost  immediately  surrounded  upon  a mesa  near 
San  Bernardo  by  a large  force  of  Mexicans.  They 
were  cooped  up  there  for  several  days,  but  Car- 
son,  an  Indian,  and  Lieutenant  Beale  made  their 


202  The  Story  of  California 

way  through  the  hostile  lines,  reached  San  Diego, 
and  a relief  force  was  sent  at  once.  The  Cali- 
fornians retreated  in  the  face  of  these  reinforce- 
ments, and  General  Kearny  and  his  command 
marched  on  to  San  Diego.  They  arrived  there  on 
December  twelfth,  in  a most  pitiable  condition. 
The  General  was  himself  confined  to  his  bed  for 
many  days  on  account  of  his  severe  wounds. 

On  December  29,  Stockton  left  San  Diego  with 
600  men  to  capture  Los  Angeles.  The  Mexicans 
were  defeated  in  a skirmish  at  San  Gabriel  on 
January  8,  1847,  and  there  began  an  artillery  duel 
with  Flores’  men  on  the  outskirts  of  the  city. 
The  Californians  had  one  cannon  and  several 
times  their  cavalry  charged  within  one  hundred 
yards  of  the  American  lines.  But  there  was  no 
serious  opposition  and  the  United  States  flag  was 
again  raised  over  Los  Angeles  on  January  9.  Five 
days  later  Fremont  arrived  from  the  north.  He 
had  received  the  capitulation  of  Andres  Pico  at 
Cahuenga.  On  Pico’s  surrender  a general  am- 
nesty was  provided  for. 

The  conquest  of  California  was  at  last  com- 
plete. There  had  been  various  skirmishes  in  the 
north  at  Natividad,  Los  Virjeles,  and  Santa  Clara. 
The  revolutionists  achieved  some  successes  but 
these  were  neutralized  by  dissensions  among  their 
leaders  and  with  the  fall  of  Los  Angeles  all  re- 
sistance ceased  and  the  Americans  held  undisputed 
sway.  The  Americans  have  seldom  figured  as 


The  American  Conquest  203 

conquerors  in  the  sense  of  winning  territory,  and 
their  taking  possession  of  California  shows  them 
in  a somewhat  rare  character.  It  may  be  seriously 
doubted  whether  in  this  instance  they  appeared  to 
much  advantage. 

The  next  problem  to  be  solved  was  that  of 
governing  the  territory  until  a treaty  fixing  its 
destiny  should  be  signed.  If  any  of  the  inhabit- 
ants thought  that  with  the  taking  over  of  the 
country  by  the  Americans  they  would  at  last  be 
relieved  of  the  constant  quarreling  among  the  of- 
ficers of  the  government  from  which  they  had  suf- 
fered for  nearly  a quarter  of  a century,  they  were 
to  be  disappointed.  California  was  not  yet  to 
see  a unified  and  harmonious  administration. 

Stockton  and  Kearny,  soon  after  the  conquest 
was  completed,  became  involved  in  a controversy 
over  the  supreme  command.  The  Commodore 
after  the  first  submission  had  planned  a civil  gov- 
ernment with  Fremont  at  its  head.  Had  Califor- 
nia but  stayed  conquered  this  arrangement  would 
no  doubt  have  received  the  approval  of  the  Wash- 
ington government.  But  there  were  two  disturbing 
elements.  The  Californians  had  arisen  against 
the  invaders  and  Kearny  had  arrived.  His  in- 
structions were  to  take  possession  of  California 
and  assume  command  of  all  troops  there  includ- 
ing volunteers,  and  of  any  which  might  be  sent 
out  later;  then  when  the  time  came,  to  form  a 
civil  government. 


204 


The  Story  of  California 


Had  he  pressed  his  claim  when  he  first  arrived, 
all  would  probably  have  gone  smoothly.  But  he 
had  arrived  at  San  Diego  in  a disabled  con- 
dition and  perhaps  owing  his  life  and  the  safety 
of  his  troops  to  Commodore  Stockton.  This  of- 
ficer he  found  in  full  charge  of  the  preparations 
for  the  advance  on  Los  Angeles.  Under  the  cir- 
cumstances Kearny  felt  great  delicacy  in  assert- 
ing any  prerogatives  which  he  might  have;  in  fact 
he  refused  to  take  command  from  the  Commo- 
dore at  that  time. 

After  the  occupation  of  Los  Angeles,  Kearny 
proposed  that  he  then  assume  the  leadership  but 
by  that  time  some  friction  had  arisen  between 
the  two  officers  and  Stockton  refused  to  deliver 
it  or  to  acknowledge  that  Kearny  had  ever  had 
any  orders  to  supersede  him.  - He  claimed  that, 
while  the  army  officer’s  orders  were  dated  after 
his,  they  had  been  superseded  by  new  events  and 
that  he  and  Fremont  had  already  done  the  thing 
that  Kearny  had  been  sent  to  do.  He  also  as- 
serted the  claim  that  his  original  plan  of  civil 
government  still  held  good  and  that  there  was  no 
need  of  Kearny’s  doing  the  work  over  again. 

In  pursuance  of  this  line  of  argument  he  is- 
sued commissions  to  Fremont  and  Russell  as  gov- 
ernor and  secretary  of  state  respectively.  This 
drew  Fremont  into  the  quarrel  and  he  decided 
to  stand  by  Stockton,  though  Kearny  promised  him 
the  governorship  as  soon  as  he  should  relinquish 


The  American  Conquest 


205 


it  a few  months  hence.  Fremont’s  action  at  this 
time  afterward  resulted  in  his  court-martial  and 
dismissal  from  the  army  for  disobedience  to  his 
superior  officer,  the  government  holding  that 
Kearny  was  right.  The  trial,  however,  gave  Fre- 
mont great  prominence  and  his  brilliant  defend- 
ers, Senator  Benton  and  William  Carey  Jones,  suc- 
ceeded in  creating  a popular  feeling  for  their 
client  which  afterward  made  him  a candidate  for 
the  presidency  of  the  United  States.  President 
Polk  remitted  the  sentence  at  the  time  but  Fre- 
mont refused  to  re-enter  the  army  and  returned 
to  California  in  1849  as  a private  citizen. 

The  controversy  between  the  two  United  States 
officers  continued  for  some  time,  but  Kearny  finally 
yielded  “ to  avoid  a collision.”  Shortly  after  this 
new  instructions  arrived  from  Washington  con- 
firming his  appointment  to  the  supreme  command. 
This  he  at  once  assumed,  much  to  the  discom- 
fiture of  the  Commodore.  Kearny  exercised  it 
hut  a short  time,  however,  turning  it  over  to 
Colonel  Mason.  This  was  followed  by  the  re- 
moval of  the  capital  to  its  old  location  at  Mon- 
terey. 

The  period  immediately  following  the  conquest 
saw  the  arrival  of  a large  number  of  newcomers 
to  California.  These  came  ostensibly  as  troops 
but  they  were  in  reality  colonists.  The  most 
prominent  body  of  men  of  this  character  was  the 
Mormon  Battalion.  It  had  at  one  time  been 


206 


The  Story  of  California 

President  Brigham  Young’s  plan  to  migrate  to 
California  one  hundred  thousand  strong  and  per- 
haps gain  control  of  it  either  as  an  independent 
commonwealth  or  as  a state  of  the  United  States. 
This  idea  was  never  carried  out  in  its  entirety  but 
about  five  hundred  young  men  of  the  Mormon 
belief  enlisted  for  service  in  California  and  thus 
were  taken  at  government  expense  to  San  Fran- 
cisco. As  a shipload  of  their  people  had  been 
landed  here  the  year  before,  this  city  bore  for  a 
time  the  aspect  of  a Mormon  community.  But 
before  long  almost  all  of  them  went  down  to  the 
town  of  New  Hope,  which  their  sect  had  founded 
on  the  San  Joaquin  River.  They  were  a very 
orderly  and  industrious  people  and  it  was  thought 
their  effort  to  found  a city  in  this  location  would 
be  successful,  but  it  was  soon  abandoned,  most 
of  the  settlers  making  their  way  back  over  the 
mountains  to  Utah. 

Another  battalion  was  that  of  the  New  York 
Volunteers  who  had  enlisted  with  the  express 
understanding  that  they  might  be  “ discharged 
without  a claim  for  returning  home  wherever  they 
may  be  serving  at  the  end  of  the  war  providing 
it  is  in  the  then  territory  of  the  United  States.” 
California  was  so  plainly  indicated  that  they  were 
universally  considered  as  an  emigrant  party  under 
government  auspices.  At  any  rate  no  member  of 
the  battalion  had  a thought  or  dream  of  fighting. 
They  arrived  in  San  Francisco  in  March,  1847, 


The  American  Conquest  207 

and  after  doing  garrison  duty  for  about  a year  in 
various  parts  of  California,  were  mustered  out  to 
become  citizens  of  the  new  territory.  This  body 
consisted  of  a very  fair  average  class  of  young 
men  from  almost  every  walk  of  life.  There  were 
some  undesirable  characters,  but  on  the  whole 
they  were  a welcome  addition  to  the  population 
at  that  time. 

When  the  armistice  of  February  29,  1 848,  was 
signed  by  the  representatives  of  the  United  States 
and  Mexico,  ail  hostilities  were  suspended  between 
the  two  warring  nations.  Pio  Pico,  who  was  gov- 
ernor of  California  at  the  time  the  storm  of  Ameri- 
can invasion  broke,  took  advantage  of  this  ar- 
mistice quietly  to  return  to  his  former  haunts  with 
the  announcement  that  he  had  come  to  resume 
the  governorship.  He  did  not  get  it.  He  was 
arrested,  but  after  a week’s  confinement  consented 
to  give  up  his  lofty  ambitions  and  was  released. 

The  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo  was  ratified 
at  Washington  March  10,  and  at  Querataro  May 
30,  1848.  This  ended  the  war  and  transferred 
California  permanently  to  the  United  States.  The 
good  news  was  received  in  California  on  August  6. 
California  thus  became  United  States  territory  not 
by  conquest  but  by  treaty. 

The  government  in  the  meantime  was  a military 
one  maintained  by  the  invaders.  Pending  the 
treaty  the  old  system  of  local  administration  had 
been  kept  in  force  in  so  far  as  that  was  possible. 


208  The  Story  of  California 

It  was  the  universal  expectation  that  Congress 
would  provide  for  a government  immediately 
after  the  treaty  was  signed.  Governor  Mason 
announced  that  this  would  be  done.  President 
Polk  explained  the  necessity  of  it  in  his  message 
to  Congress.  But  the  old  question  which  continu- 
ally arose  to  frustrate  the  possibility  of  any  united 
and  disinterested  action  in  regard  to  California 
again-  came  to  the  fore.  The  struggle  over  the 
slavery  question  prevented  anything  being  done, 
and  much  to  the  dismay  of  the  Californians  the 
national  legislature  adjourned  without  taking  any 
action  on  the  matter.  President  Polk  to  prevent 
anarchy  proclaimed  a de  facto  government  and 
continued  Governor  Mason  in  command.  There 
was  no  warrant  in  law  for  this  action,  but  it  was 
absolutely  necessary  under  the  circumstances,  and 
everyone  interested  accepted  it  as  such  without 
question. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

THE  DISCOVERY  OF  GOLD I 848 


NTIL  the  beginning  of  1848  the  great  in- 


terior valleys  of  California  were  almost  en- 
tirely undisturbed  by  civilization  and  had  been  ex- 
plored only  in  the  most  cursory  manner.  As  we 
have  seen,  the  only  settlement  of  large  importance 
in  the  interior  was  Sutter’s  Fort.  It  was  the  great 
trading  and  distributing  point  for  the  neighboring 
country,  and  became  more  and  more  important  as 
the  rendezvous  of  Americans  coming  into  Califor- 
nia. Captain  Sutter  was  the  chief  personage  not 
only  in  the  settlement  itself,  but  in  all  the  sur- 
rounding country.  There  were  only  about  three 
hundred  other  whites  in  the  vicinity  and  these  were 
all  directly  or  indirectly  dependent  upon  Sutter’s 
activities. 

Among  these  white  men  who  were  working  with 
Sutter  was  James  W.  Marshall.  He  was  a native 
of  New  Jersey,  and  a wheelwright  by  trade,  quiet, 
industrious,  honest,  but  slow  and  queer,  with  a 
disposition  almost  morose.  Upon  his  arrival  at 
the  Fort,  he  had  entered  Sutter’s  employ.  One 
of  the  latter’s  wants  was  a saw-mill.  He  had 
been  for  some  time  looking  for  a good  site  and 
the  proper  man  to  take  charge  of  the  operations. 


209 


210  The  Story  of  California 

He  finally  decided  upon  a site  at  Coloma,  about 
forty  miles  above  the  fort,  and  late  in  the  year 
1847  he  chose  Marshall  as  his  partner  to  super- 
intend the  work  of  erecting  the  mill. 

The  dam  had  been  completed,  but  difficulties 
appeared  in  trying  to  keep  the  tail-race  free  from 
obstruction.  It  was  found  necessary  to  open  the 
sluice-gate  every  night  to  allow  the  debris  which 
had  collected  during  the  day  to  wash  through. 
On  the  morning  of  January  24,  1848,  Marshall 
went  out  to  close  the  gate  preparatory  to  begin- 
ning the  day's  work.  Some  tiny  particles  of  metal- 
lic dust  caught  his  eye.  He  thought  of  the 
possibility  of  its  being  gold  and  tested  it  in  the 
simplest  way  he  could  think  of.  He  pounded  it 
with  a hammer  and  it  did  not  break  but  worked 
out  into  a thin  piece.  At  this  even  Marshall  be- 
came somewhat  excited.  He  put  as  much  of  the 
dust  as  he  could  hastily  gather  into  his  pouch  and 
rode  with  all  speed  over  to  the  fort. 

He  and  Sutter  locked  themselves  in  a room  and 
applied  to  the  metal  all  the  tests  which  they  knew 
and  had  the  means  of  making.  It  stood  every  one 
of  them  and  they  were  convinced  that  it  was  gold. 
By  a subtle  intuition  Sutter  seemed  to  realize  at 
once  the  terrible  import  of  the  discovery  for  him, 
and  he  slept  little  that  night.  If  it  was  gold  and 
the  intelligence  became  general,  his  men  would 
with  one  accord  rush  to  the  mill  to  gather  the 
precious  stuff  and  leave  him  without  help  to  man- 


SUTTER'S  M'ILL 

(From  an  old  print ) 


y> 


911 


The  Discovery  of  Gold 

age  his  now  vast  interests.  Only  too  well  was 
this  prophetic  thought  realized  and  the  discovery 
which  meant  so  much  to  thousands  of  other  men 
brought  ruin  to  this  pioneer. 

It  was  at  first  thought  that  the  gold  might  be 
present  in  small  quantities  only,  but  Hanry  Big* 
ler  found  other  traces  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
mill,  and  when  Sutter  himself  made  a trip  over 
there  to  investigate  he  found  indications  of  the 
precious  metal  all  over  the  district.  He  resolved 
to  keep  the  great  secret  for  a time  at  least,  think- 
ing in  this  way  to  control  the  output.  AH  the 
men  at  the  mill  were  enjoined  to  remain  silent  on 
the  subject.  But  it  was  too  portentous  a matter 
for  any  man  to  keep  within  his  own  bosom,  and 
Sutter  himself  told  several  friends  about  it. 

He  also  despatched  a messenger  to  Monterey 
to  interview  Governor  Mason  and  obtain  the  tide 
to  the  lands  on  which  gold  had  been  found.  This 
man  spent  an  evening  a t Benicia  in  convivial  com- 
pany and  soon  forgot  his  employer’s  urgent  in- 
junction to  observe  the  strictest  silence  as  to  the 
nature  of  his  mission.  If  a sober  man  could  not 
keep  the  secret  a drunken  one  could  not  be  ex- 
pected to,  and  the  wonderful  intelligence  was  given 
to  the  world.  From  the  beginning  the  news  spread 
over  California  like  wildfire.  Before  the  mes- 
senger could  make  his  way  back  to  the  Fort,  pros- 
pectors began  to  arrive  at  the  miHs  with  pick  and 
ahovel. 


212 


The  Story  of  California 


Meanwhile  the  men  who  were  employed  there 
had  not  been  idle.  Every  moment  which  was  not 
required  to  be  devoted  to  their  work  was  spent 
in  digging  in  every  nook  in  the  rocks  with  pocket 
knives.  Under  these  efforts  the  boundaries  of  the 
field  were  soon  extended.  Every  place  the  search- 
ers tried  they  found  new  quantities  of  the  precious 
metal.  It  was  not  long  before  they  found  that 
they  could  make  more  in  a day  by  hunting  for  gold 
than  they  could  by  working  for  wages.  One  by 
one  they  dropped  off  and  work  at  the  mill  ceased. 

More  steady  going  people  at  first  refused  to 
credit  the  story  of  a gold  discovery  or  to  consider 
it  as  anything  of  importance.  The  newspapers  of 
San  Francisco  barely  mentioned  the  fact  without 
comment  of  any  kind.  But  the  subtle  excitement 
spread.  It  claimed  one  victim  after  another.  Little 
was  said,  but  first  one  man,  then  another,  quietly 
disposed  his  affairs  and  left  for  the  mines,  to 
make  sure  for  himself  just  how  things  stood.  The 
mystery  of  these  departures  added  immensely  to 
their  importance.  The  excitement  grew  apace. 
Then  these  investigators  who  had  departed  so 
silently  began  to  return  well-laden  with  the  pre- 
cious dust.  No  more  was  there  any  silence. 
Wonderful  were  the  tales  they  told  of  the  bound- 
less wealth  to  be  had  for  the  picking  up. 

By  the  early  part  of  May,  1848,  San  Francisco 
had  become  a center  of  men  gone  mad.  It  would 
.Live  been  impossible  to  restrain  the  excitement 


The  Discovery  of  Gold 


218 


even  if  any  attempt  had  been  made  to  do  so. 
Doubters  and  disbelievers  joined  the  enthusiastic 
in  one  mad  rush  for  the  diggings.  Every  avail- 
able means  of  transportation  was  pressed  into 
service  by  every  known  route.  Within  three  days 
an  exodus  of  startling  proportions  was  in  full 
career.  Husband  left  wife;  father,  children;  ser- 
vants, masters;  and  the  masters  followed.  Even 
the  newspapers  suspended  publication  for  lack  of 
printers.  If  they  had  been  able  to  find  printers, 
it  would  have  benefited  them  little  for  there  were 
no  readers.  By  the  middle  of  June  three-quarters 
of  San  Francisco’s  population  had  left  for  the 
gold  fields. 

Business  was  paralyzed.  Prices  of  everything 
but  mining  equipment  dropped  to  nothing.  Food, 
clothing,  and  the  necessary  prospector’s  tools 
soared  to  unbelievable  figures.  Other  towns  all 
through  the  state  caught  the  infection  and  followed 
rapidly  in  the  lead  of  San  Francisco.  Their  con- 
dition was  like  that  of  the  harbor  city.  Offices, 
council-chambers  and  churches  were  all  alike  de- 
serted. Merchants  abandoned  their  stocks;  the 
judge  his  bench;  the  doctor  his  patients,  and  the 
patients  became  miraculously  restored  to  health 
and  followed;  even  the  criminal,  with  none  to 
watch  him,  slipped  his  fetters  and  escaped;  all 
to  make  their  way  northward  to  the  fields  which 
their  imagination  pictured  to  be  of  shining  gold. 
The  machinery  of  government  at  Monterey  faded 


214 


The  Story  of  California, 

almost  out  of  sight  and  it  wa9  rumored  that 
the  Governor-general  of  California  was  forced  to 
cook  his  own  dinner. 

Some  cooler  heads  remained  calm  amidst  all 
the  furor.  One  old  Mexican  advised  his  sons  to 
stay  on  their  lands  for  he  said,  “ God  has  given 
this  gold  to  the  Americans.  Had  he  desired  us 
to  have  it,  He  would  have  given  it  to  us  ere  now.” 
Others,  too,  saw  the  wealth  to  be  gained  by  sup- 
plying the  masses  of  gold-seekers  with  food  and 
other  necessaries,  and  held  themselves  in  check 
to  travel  a less  exciting  but  surer  road  to  wealth. 

Among  these  we  might  expect  to  find  Sutter  and 
Marshall.  But  such  was  not  the  case.  They 
were  neither  of  them  big  enough  men  to  grasp 
and  hold  the  opportunities  given  them.  Sutter  had 
played  many  a crafty  trick  but  he  had  had  a dif- 
ferent kind  of  opponent  from  those  with  whom 
he  now  had  to  deal.  The  gold  discovery,  instead 
of  adding  to  his  wealth,  tore  from  his  grasp  even 
that  which  he  had  already  accumulated.  Mar- 
shall, though  he  found  the  first  gold,  was  pursued 
by  ill-luck  in  his  search  for  more.  At  last  his  lack 
of  fortune  began  to  prey  upon  his  mind;  he  be- 
came obsessed  with  the  idea  that  he  owned  all  of 
the  precious  metal  which  was  found.  His  petu- 
lance became  unbearable,  and  he  was  driven  from 
one  camp  to  another  until  he  died  in  poverty.* 

* So me  diacoveriea  of  gold  were  recorded  in  California 
fcofa re  Marahall’a.  In  <795,  three  proapecta  were  diacoraed  in 


The  Discovery  of  Gold 


215 


the  San  Francisco  jurisdiction.  Metal  was  found  in  but  one 
of  them  and  it  was  never  developed.  Governor  Sola  in  1818 
reported  that  most  of  the  mountains  of  his  province  contained 
traces  of  metal.  The  Ortega  mine  near  Monterey  had  pro- 
duced some  silver,  and  a few  good  specimens  of  gold  had  been 
found.  In  184a  considerable  excitement  prevailed  at  Los 
Angeles  because  of  a find  in  that  neighborhood.  Searchers 
secured  about  $a  a day  for  a time,  but  the  supply  was  soon 
exhausted. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

FORTY-NINE 

DY  VARIOUS  ways  the  news  of  the  great  dis- 
' covery  traveled  abroad.  Ships  took  it  by 
sea,  the  Mormons  carried  it  over  the  Sierras,  cour- 
iers were  despatched  from  San  Francisco  who 
spread  the  tidings  in  the  eastern  states.  The  Ha- 
waiian Islands,  Oregon,  and  Vancouver  were  first 
affected.  From  there  the  excitement  spread  in 
ever-widening  circles.  The  news  of  the  discovery 
was  first  published  in  a prominent  eastern  news- 
paper in  the  autumn  of  1848.  The  report  at  first 
met  with  incredulity  which  daily  confirmation 
quickly  overcame.  Personal  letters,  Governor 
Mason’s  official  report,  and  finally  shipments  of 
the  precious  “ dust  ” dispelled  all  doubt. 

California  became  the  center  of  the  world’s  at- 
tention which  soon  turned  to  “ gold  fever,”  and 
the  whole  world  was  affected.  From  every  quarter 
of  the  globe  came  men  seeking  the  precious  metal. 
On  a smaller  scale  in  proportion  to  the  population, 
but  on  a far  grander  scale  as  regards  numbers, 
the  scenes  which  were  enacted  in  California  in 
1848  were  reenacted  all  over  the  United  States 
and  all  over  the  world  in  1849.  January  1 of 
that  year  the  population  of  California  was  26,000, 

216 


Forty-Nine 


217 


of  which  one-half  were  Californians  and  the  re- 
mainder Americans  and  foreigners.  During  the 
year  over  one  hundred  thousand  people  came  into 
the  state.  Four-fifths  of  these  newcomers  were 
Americans.  The  remainder  were  from  all  parts 
of  the  world. 

There  were  three  routes  by  which  the  gold- 
seekers  reached  California.  Those  from  the  At- 
lantic seaboard  and  Europe  came  for  the  most 
part  in  vessels  around  Cape  Horn.  Emigrants 
from  the  southern  states  took  ship  to  the  Isthmus 
of  Panama  and,  after  making  their  way  across  the 
continent  at  that  point,  again  took  ship  up  the 
coast.  The  great  number  of  those  who  came  from 
the  middle  states  took  the  overland  route  by  ox- 
train  and  “ prairie-schooner.” 

About  140  ships  left  the  Atlantic  Coast  for  Cal- 
ifornia in  the  month  of  February,  1849.  Those 
who  went  by  way  of  Cape  Horn  met  with  fewer 
hardships  than  any  of  the  others  in  reaching  Cali- 
fornia. Those  who  took  the  Isthmus  route  re- 
ceived from  the  agents  of  Atlantic  ships  ample 
assurance  of  connections  on  the  Pacific  side.  But 
this  assurance  was  without  foundation  and  thou- 
sands had  to  remain  on  the  Isthmus  for  weeks  and 
months.  Hundreds  succumbed  to  diseases  caused 
by  the  climate.  Baggage  was  abandoned  in  the 
frantic  efforts  of  these  unfortunates  to  get  aboard 
vessels,  and  fabulous  prices  were  paid  for  any 
sort  of  transportation  to  California.  As  much  as 


218 


The  Story  of  California 


$1,000  was  paid  for  the  privilege  of  sleeping  on 
a coil  of  rope.  This  unfortunate  condition  was 
due  partly  to  the  enormous  crowds  seeking  trans- 
portation and  partly  to  the  irregular  service. 
There  was  little  chance  to  remedy  the  latter  evil, 
however,  for  the  moment  a vessel  arrived  in  San 
Francisco  she  was  immediately  deserted  by  her 
crew. 

The  two  favorite  rendezvous  for  the  overland 
journey  were  St.  Joseph  and  Independence,  Mis- 
souri. From  these  points  the  caravans  followed 
the  route  of  what  is  now  the  Union  Pacific  Rail- 
road, or  the  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail.  Wagons  of  all 
kinds,  from  ponderous  prairie-schooners  to  light 
carts,  were  in  use.  They  formed  a long  line  dur- 
ing the  day  and  at  night  were  drawn  up  in  a circle 
to  form  a defense  from  an  enemy  and  a corral 
for  the  animals.  The  Indians  did  not  give  much 
trouble  at  first  as  they  did  not  know  what  to  make 
of  the  situation  but  with  the  later  caravans  they 
got  in  their  deadly  work.  Many  of  the  emigrants 
who  took  this  route  stopped  at  Salt  Lake  greatly 
to  the  advantage  of  the  Mormons,  and  some 
turned  back  from  the  Sierra  Nevada  even  after 
having  crossed  the  backbone  of  the  continent. 

The  men  who  went  overland  were  as  a rule  bet- 
ter fitted  for  pioneers  than  those  who  went  by 
sea,  but  the  greater  difficulties  and  hardships  of- 
ten led  to  disagreements  among  the  members  of 
a party  and  not  infrequently  these  were  so  sharp 


Courtesy  of  the  Chicago  Historical  Society 

MAP  OF  1849,  SHOWING  ROUTES  TO  CALI 


Independence,  Missouri,  was  the  most  imp 
the  almost  unknown  country  lying  between  the  mi 
north-bound  caravan  trains  made  their  way  to  I 
southern,  route  led  to  Bent’s  Fort,  and  then  turil 
the  old  Santa  Fe  Trail  continuing  on  to  Kearny 
wavs  beyond  Salt  Lake.  As  a rule,  the  further 
details  of  the  journey  and  the  dangers  besetting, 
prime  objective,  and  once  there  the  successful  pi 
Western  Guide  Book  and  Emigrant’s  Directory, 
provided  only  the  most  meagre  and  general  direct) 


map  of  rr  ; 

((pyiEiT)  j ; 

CALIFC ffiNJAVO H EGON.  ( 


Lit  h . ofJlall <K-Mvt 


Bn  I’tir'l  <’■ 


illXK  SOT  A 


■fAa/'it  >nie 


mu  r* 


l^ntsFojj 


»nju. 


uNIA, 


OREGON,  AND  THE  GOLD  REGION 


ant  rendezvous  for  those  planning  to  cross 
e West  and  California.  Leaving  that  citv,  the 
F[t  Laramie  and  then  to  South  Pass.  Another, 
north  toward  Salt  Lake.  Still  another,  was 
route  to  San  Diego.  There  was  a choice  of 
immigrants  went  the  less  they  knew  of  the 
id  disasters  were  many.  Sutter’s  Fort  was  a 
:ers  found  easy  way  to  the  gold-fields.  The 
1849,  from  which  the  above  map  was  taken, 
:cti  5. 


252 


219 


Forty-Nine 

as  to  make  a division  necessary.  Of  the  men  who 
came  by  sea  many  were  mere  adventurers  with 
none  of  the  true  qualities  of  pioneers.  It  was 
this  class  of  men  who  did  much  after  they  had 
arrived  in  California  to  spread  vice  among  the 
real  workers,  and  to  profit  by  their  downfall. 

For  the  overland  pioneer  and  goldseeker,  con- 
ditions of  travel  had  not  improved  in  any  particu- 
lar since  the  days  of  the  Bidwell  and  Donner  ex- 
peditions. The  men  and  women  of  ’49  had  to 
face  the  same  hardships  and  dangers  of  the  wilder- 
ness that  had  brought  death  to  so  many  of  the 
pioneers  of  1841.  This  very  fact  served  first  to 
weed  out  the  weaker  spirits  and  then  to  train  the 
muscles,  brains,  and  nerves  of  those  who  did  win 
their  way  through,  so  that  they  were  enabled  to 
meet  and  overcome  almost  any  difficulty  that  was 
within  the  range  of  human  possibility.  The  jour- 
ney of  the  Manly  party  has  become  famous  in 
the  annals  of  California  and  serves  well  to  illus- 
trate the  mettle  of  these  men  of  ’49,  and  what 
they  would  suffer  for  gold. 

William  Lewis  Manly  was  born  near  St.  Al- 
bans, Vermont,  in  1820,  starting  life  when  but 
a boy  with  a capital  of  $7.  He  went  west  and 
served'his  apprenticeship  as  a pioneer  in  Ohio, 
Michigan,  and  Wisconsin.  When  the  news  of 
the  great  gold  discovery  came  in  1849,  he  deter- 
mined to  go  to  California  and  try  his  fortune. 
He  started  early  in  the  year  with  Charles  Dallas. 


220 


The  Story  of  California 

When  they  came  to  the  Green  River,  Manly  and 
six  others  decided  to  try  to  make  their  way  to  the 
Pacific  by  boat.  But  their  experiences  in  the  rocky 
gorges  of  that  stream  soon  convinced  them  that 
the  attempt  must  be  abandoned  and  they  returned 
to  Salt  Lake.  Here  they  joined  the  party  of 
Asabel  Bennett.  In  the  possession  of  a member 
of  this  party  was  a map  showing  an  imaginary 
short  route  to  Los  Angeles.  This  they  attempted 
to  follow  and  before  many  days  found  themselves 
in  the  now  far-  and  ill-famed  Death  Valley,  so 
named  from  the  hundreds  of  emigrants  who  after- 
ward left  their  bones  there  to  be  stripped  by  the 
coyotes  and  bleached  by  the  burning  sun. 

This  valley  lies  along  the  eastern  border  of 
California  in  the  latitude  of  Monterey  and  is 
worthy  of  its  appellation.  Its  width  is  about 
thirty  miles;  its  length,  one  hundred,  and  it  is 
nearly  fifty  miles  from  its  entrance  to  the  first  pool 
of  brackish  water.  In  its  lowest  point  it  is  160 
feet  below  the  level  of  the  sea.  Its  barren  sides 
are  absolutely  devoid  of  vegetation,  and  rainfall 
within  its  precincts  is  almost  unknown.  All  day 
long  during  both  summer  and  winter  the  sun’s 
rays  beat  down  with  terrific  heat  into  this  fatal 
hollow,  making  it  a veritable  furnace,  in  which 
human  life  is  shrivelled  and  burned  until  endur- 
ance is  exhausted  and  the  sufferer  welcomes  death 
as  a relief  from  his  tortures. 

It  was  into  this  hell  on  earth  that  Manly  and 


Forty-Nine 


221 


his  ill-fated  party  found  their  way  and  before  they 
knew  it  were  in  its  evil  toils.  The  children  cried 
for  water  but  there  was  none  for  them.  The 
oxen  lowed  in  their  agony  and  their  cry  added  to 
the  terror.  Progress  became  slower  and  slower. 
The  provisions  were  exhausted  and  one  by  one 
oxen  were  sacrificed  to  the  call  of  hunger.  Meat, 
blood,  and  hide  wrere  used  to  sustain  life. 

It  soon  became  apparent  that  even  these  ex- 
treme measures  would  not  avail  unless  outside  help 
was  procured.  Manly  and  John  Rogers,  a Ten- 
nesseean, started  on  ahead  to  secure  aid.  They 
left  behind  them  sixteen  suffering  beings  to  await 
their  return  to  the  desert.  The  horrors  of  the  tor- 
turing dryness  of  the  desert  to  these  men  traveling 
without  water  are  indescribable  but  they  pushed 
on.  Weak,  exhausted,  sleepless,  almost  dying  of 
thirst  the  thought  of  the  helpless  women  and  chil- 
dren back  there  in  the  desert  spurred  them  on. 

At  last  they  arrived  utterly  exhausted  at  the 
ranch  of  Mr.  French.  Staying  here  only  a day 
or  two  to  recover  their  strength,  they  started  back 
with  two  horses  and  a mule  loaded  with  provi- 
sions. They  had  not  gone  far  on  the  return  jour- 
ney before  it  became  apparent  that  the  horses 
would  not  be  able  to  make  the  trip.  With  many 
misgivings  they  were  abandoned  to  their  fate  and 
the  two  men  pressed  on  with  the  mule.  The  dif- 
ficulties which  they  had  to  overcome  in  getting 
even  this  one  animal  through  some  of  the  moun- 


222 


The  Story  of  California 

tain  passes  are  almost  unbelievable.  Many  times 
the  undertaking  seemed  impossible  but  their  loy- 
alty forbade  their  giving  up,  and  they  kept  on 
with  their  weary  toil. 

Finally,  after  an  absence  of  twenty-six  days, 
they  sighted  the  camp.  No  one  was  in  sight,  but 
a shout  brought  a figure  staggering  from  one  of 
the  tents.  They  were  in  time  and  the  travelers 
were  saved.  The  rejoicing  was  unbounded,  prep- 
arations were  immediately  made  for  the  depart- 
ure, and  on  February  i,  1 850,  the  party  left  Death 
Valley  with  the  mule  and  the  few  remaining  oxen. 
But  their  trials  were  not  yet  ended.  They  had 
a long  toilsome  journey  on  foot  ahead  of  them. 
On  this  journey  their  provisions  again  gave  out 
and  they  had  to  kill  the  oxen.  For  six  weeks  they 
toiled  along  and  about  the  middle  of  March 
reached  San  Fernando  Mission.  They  had  been 
a year  on  the  way  and  for  four  months  had  been 
lost  in  the  wilderness.  Even  now  there  remained 
600  miles  to  be  covered  before  the  gold  fields 
could  be  reached. 

By  whatever  route  the  adventurers  arrived  in 
California,  once  there  the  cry  was  “ On  to  the 
diggings ! ” The  miner  stopped  only  long  enough 
in  San  Francisco  to  procure  his  outfit.  This  con- 
sisted of  a pick,  pan,  shovel,  rocker,  dipper, 
wooden  basket,  blankets,  and  a few  simple  cook- 
ing and  eating  utensils.  Thus  furnished,  he 


Forty-Nine 


223 


hurried  on  to  join  the  throng  of  eager  prospectors 
all  pressing  forward  to  satisfy  the  master  passion 
for  gold.  With  frantic  oaths  teamsters  lashed 
their  struggling  mules,  raising  thick  clouds  of 
dust.  Horsemen  with  heavy  packs  on  their  sad- 
dles passed  them.  Tented  ox-carts  were  a com- 
mon sight.  And  sprinkled  through  this  toiling 
mass,  almost  lost  in  the  dust  and  the  crowd,  were 
many  footsore  bearers  of  their  own  burdens  of 
tools,  arms,  and  supplies. 

Sutter’s  Fort  was  the  goal  of  these  endless  cara- 
vans. Here  was  assembled  a throng  of  traders 
and  miners,  rough,  sunburned,  unkempt  men  in  red 
or  blue  woolen  shirts,  deerskin  suits,  or  oilskins, 
with  now  and  then  a Mexican  with  his  picturesque 
short-jacketed  suit,  spurs  and  sombrero.  This 
crowd  was  constantly  changing  as  from  day  to 
day  there  came  in  new  arrivals  on  one  side  and 
on  the  other  there  were  new  departures  for  the 
gold  fields. 

But  even  when  the  gold  fields  themselves  were 
finally  reached  it  was  not  the  end  of  the  journey. 
Overcrowded  camps,  rumors  of  great  finds  else- 
where, and  most  of  all  the  cravings  of  a fevered 
imagination,  led  the  seeker  after  yellow  wealth 
on  and  on  and  on.  Sometimes  he  was  led  to  for- 
tune, sometimes  to  utter  wreck,  often  to  both. 

The  conditions  had  a strange  effect  upon  the 
country.  Often  several  thousand  people  would 
congregate  in  one  place  in  a few  weeks  after  a 


224 


The  Story  of  California 

rich  find  had  been  made.  Tents  gave  place  to 
houses  of  wood  and  brick.  Newspapers,  sewers, 
even  gas  works  sprang  into  existence  seemingly 
out  of  nothing.  A city  charter  was  obtained  and 
a municipal  administration  organized  and  then 
— a new  find  farther  on  and  the  new  city’s  popu- 
lation vanished  in  a day,  leaving  silence  and  deso- 
lation over  the  erstwhile  aspiring  metropolis. 

But  this  was  not  the  only  peculiar  condition  in 
the  social  status  in  California  in  1849  and  the 
following  years  which  go  to  make  up  the  period 
widely  known  as  the  “ Days  of  ’49.”  The  popu- 
lation of  the  state  was  a motley  aggregation  in 
every  respect.  There  were  collected  in  a com- 
paratively small  section  people  from  every  part 
of  the  world  and  representing  every  known  sys- 
tem of  law,  manners  and  morals.  Less  than  eight 
per  cent  of  the  total  population  of  the  state  were 
women,  and  in  the  mining  districts  this  proportion 
was  in  many  instances  as  low  as  two  per  cent. 
And  the  men  were  all  young  men;  there  were  no 
gray  heads  among  them. 

This  great,  unruly,  and  unruled  mob  was  one 
seething  mass  of  excitement  in  the  wild  chase  for 
gold.  And  of  this  excitement  San  Francisco  was 
the  center.  Here  were  brought  together  the  newly 
arrived  Argonaut,  the  newly  rich  miner,  and  the 
scores  of  human  leeches  that  preyed  upon  both. 
The  number  of  men  in  the  city  who  were  not 
striving  for  sudden  riches  was  negligible.  The 


Forty-Nine 


225 


Argonaut  was  pressing  on  to  the  gold  fields;  the 
returned  miner  spent  his  time  and  his  pile  of 
gold-dust  at  the  gaming  table  in  an  effort  to  make 
more  without  even  going  to  the  trouble  of  picking 
it  off  the  ground;  and  the  leeches  were  watching 
every  chance  to  rob  and  cheat  both  of  these  classes 
of  all  that  could  be  taken  from  them. 

The  man  who  had  sold  his  all  in  the  East  to 
go  to  California  found  that  he  must  waste  no 
time  in  San  Francisco,  or  his  little  capital  would 
quickly  vanish.  The  rapid  production  of  gold, 
and  the  prevalent  use  of  the  dust  as  money,  de- 
preciated its  value  at  one  time  as  low  as  $4  an 
ounce.  Prices  were  fabulous.  Picks  and  shovels 
sold  for  from  $5  to  $15  each;  a tin  pan  or  a 
wooden  bowl  for  $5;  a butcher  knife  for  $30; 
beef  with  one  potato,  for  $1.25;  baked  beans 
“greased”  for  $1;  hash,  low-grade,  75c;  hash, 
“18  carats,”  $1;  roast  grizzly  bear  for  $1; 
“ square  meal  ” for  $3;  wine  and  spirits  for  $10 
to  $40  a quart  bottle;  washing  was  done  for  $15 
a dozen  pieces.  The  smallest  coin  tendered  for 
any  service  was  a fifty  cent  piece.  The  quarter 
was  seldom  used  even  in  the  purchase  of  the 
smallest  articles.  Everything,  even  boot-blacking, 
was  done  on  a grand  scale.  Wages  for  ordinary 
laborers  were  at  the  rate  of  $1  an  hour.  Terms 
at  “Delmonico’s  Flotel”  were  $50  a week  for 
“ plenty  to  eat,  if  one  was  not  too  fastidious,  and 
a good  bunk  to  sleep  in.”  The  bar  made  things 


£26  The  Story  of  California 

a little  noisy  and  an  occasional  free  fight  furnished 
excitement.  Such  were  the  conditions  which  the 
goldseekers  had  to  face  in  San  Francisco.  Few 
remained  more  than  one  day. 

The  work  at  the  mines  was  extremely  hard. 
As  one  of  the  early  preachers  in  San  Francisco, 
Reverend  William  Taylor  says,  “ there  was  more 
hard  work  than  has  ever  been  done  in  any  coun- 
try by  the  same  number  of  men  in  the  same  length 
of  time,  since  the  world  was  made.”  The  hard- 
ships were  real  as  well  as  imaginary.  The  work 
had  to  be  carried  on  under  the  blazing  rays  of 
the  summer  sun  and  at  the  same  time  in  the  ice- 
cold  waters  from  the  snow-covered  Sierras.  The 
strain  of  these  conditions  was  hard  on  the  strong- 
est. This  and  the  steady  working  in  the  wet 
drifts  and  tunnels  was  necessarily  injurious  to 
health.  The  food  too  was  poor.  Salt  meat  and 
no  vegetables  for  long  periods  of  time  caused 
many  to  contract  scurvy.  The  illness  brought  on 
by  these  conditions  laid  the  foundation  for  crime 
by  depriving  many  of  the  means  of  earning  a live- 
lihood. In  October  of  1850  an  epidemic  of 
cholera  took  off  about  a tenth  of  the  population. 

It  is  probable  that  the  same  amount  of  work 
as  was  performed  by  these  miners  in  California, 
if  it  had  been  done  in  their  own  homes  in  their 
old  employments,  would  have  brought  as  large 
returns,  but  of  course  without  the  incentive 
of  possible  big  strikes.  Many  averaged  $100 


MINING  SCENE 


227 


Forty-Nine 

a day;  some  as  high  as  $500  and  $700. 
This  bred  a strong  hope  in  those  who  were  not 
so  fortunate,  and  each  man  worked  to  his  utmost 
capacity  with  the  thought  in  his  mind  that  it  would 
be  his  turn  next,  and  another  day  would  see  him 
a wealthy  man. 

At  first  operations  were  confined  to  surface 
picking  and  shallow  digging  along  streams  and 
ravines.  These  sources  of  supply  failing,  the 
streams  were  turned  aside  and  their  beds  worked 
for  the  precious  metal.  This  was  supplemented 
by  “ dry-washing,”  a process  of  sifting  out  the 
gold.  The  surface  gold  was  soon  exhausted  and 
more  elaborate  methods  were  introduced.  These 
necessitated  the  use  of  machinery  of  a simple  kind. 
Almost  all  of  the  eastern-made  contrivances  for 
mining  were  utterly  useless,  but  one  of  them,  the 
“ cradle,”  came  into  very  common  use.  It  con- 
sisted of  a long  box  which  was  constantly  rocked 
while  “ pay-dirt  ” was  flushed  through  with  water. 
The  gold  sank  to  the  bottom  and  the  dirt  was 
washed  out. 

In  its  result  mining  was  much  like  gambling, 
and  in  the  eager  pursuit  for  gold  was  born  the 
miners’  passion  for  speculation  which  lost  for 
many  of  them  in  the  gambling  halls  of  San  Fran- 
cisco all  they  had  earned  in  the  gold  fields.  The 
miner  became  restless  and  even  when  in  posses- 
sion of  a good  claim  would  drop  it  and  hasten  on 
at  the  rumor  of  a better  find.  The  whole  life  was 


228 


The  Story  of  California 


a lottery.  Land  adjoining  extremely  rich  claims 
was  often  worthless.  And  the  wild  rough  uncer- 
tain character  of  the  life  itself  made  patient  in- 
dustry distasteful  and  even  contemptible.  A 
Mexican  dug  the  gold-dust  from  his  claim  with  a 
horn  spoon  from  nine  o’clock  in  the  morning  until 
four  o’clock  in  the  afternoon.  In  that  short  space 
of  time  he  had  taken  out  thousands  of  dollars. 
With  his  newly  acquired  wealth  he  set  up  a monte 
bank  and  bought  a bottle  of  whiskey.  By  ten 
o’clock  that  night  he  was  penniless  and  drunk. 

The  novelty  and  irresponsibility  of  the  life  led 
to  much  disorder  and  some  crime,  but  the  typical 
miner  was  a fair,  square,  sensible  man.  Most  of 
the  miners  were  influenced  to  some  extent  by  their 
environment,  but  with  few  exceptions  retained 
their  manliness.  In  the  early  part  of  the  rush  to 
the  mines  gold-dust  was  often  left  in  the  tents 
unguarded  with  no  thought  of  the  possibility  of 
theft.  This  sense  of  security  was  due  to  the  de- 
termined attitude  of  the  miners  toward  thieves. 
Quarreling  was  of  course  frequent  but  it  was  sel- 
dom attended  with  serious  results.  Every  man 
knew  his  opponent  was  armed  and  drawing  a gun 
usually  meant  death  to  one  or  the  other,  and  often 
to  both.  Under  these  circumstances  men  hesi- 
tated to  draw  their  weapons  and  most  small  mat- 
ters were  settled  with  fists. 

Most  of  the  mining  was  done  in  the  summer 
months.  With  the  October'  rains  the  cold  became 


Forty-Nine 


229 


too  severe  for  work  in  the  gold  fields,  and  a rush 
for  San  Francisco  and  the  other  towns  set  in  with 
such  strength  as  to  rival  the  rush  for  the  mines. 
Some,  content  with  their  gains,  returned  home. 
But  a far  larger  number,  after  a winter  of  riot  in 
San  Francisco,  set  out  for  the  mines  again  in  the 
spring  as  poor  as  they  were  a year  before. 

On  his  way  to  the  gold  fields  the  Argonaut  had 
felt  an  earnest  desire  to  get  away  with  all  possible 
speed  from  San  Francisco  and  its  exorbitant  prices 
and  vicious  temptations.  On  his  return  from  the 
gold  fields,  however,  things  assumed  a different 
aspect.  He  was  now  in  most  cases  possessed  of 
riches  beyond  his  fondest  dreams,  and  with  the 
means  at  hand  he  was  convinced  that  his  hard 
work  had  earned  him  a glorious  time.  Drink- 
ing and  gambling  were  the  natural  outcome  of 
sudden  riches  where  there  were  no  more  worthy 
objects  for  their  expenditure.  Gambling  saloons 
with  their  music  and  myriad  lights  were  every- 
where. Many  of  the  most  influential  men  of  the 
place  followed  gambling  as  a business,  even  as  a 
profession. 

Few  indeed  were  the  men  who  were  not  to  a 
greater  or  less  extent  the  prey  of  these  profession- 
als. Everybody  in  the  town  joined  in  the  game. 
Easy  gain  made  losses  easier  to  bear.  Faro, 
monte,  and  roulette  were  among  the  favorite 
games.  The  stakes  were  usually  from  fifty  cents 
to  five  dollars,  but  frequently  they  ran  as  high  as 


230 


The  Story  of  California 


$500  or  $i,ooo,  and  in  at  least  one  recorded  case 
$45,000  was  bet.  Other  pastimes  were  bullfights, 
bull  and  bear  fights,  prize  fights  and  horse  races. 
By  the  end  of  1850  the  town  boasted  two  theaters, 
the  Olympic  Circus  and  the  Jenny  Lind  Theater. 
The  drama  was  of  the  blood-and-thunder  type  and 
the  mere  appearance  of  a woman  was  sufficient  to 
insure  success.  In  spite  of  the  low  character  of 
the  productions,  the  influence  of  the  theater  was 
probably  for  good  as  it  served  as  a diversion  from 
gambling  and  drinking. 

In  the  early  days  of  San  Francisco  there  were 
very  few  women  and  most  of  these  were  not  of 
the  home-making  type.  The  few  good  women 
were  angels  to  their  neighborhoods.  The  social 
unit  was  the  “ partnership  ” rather  than  the  fam- 
ily. Strange  were  the  pairs  yoked  in  this  queer 
bond,  but  its  ties  were  sacred  and  a man  could 
always  depend  upon  his  “ pard.”  Families  gradu- 
ally became  more  numerous,  and  before  the  home 
influence  vice  and  sin  slowly  retreated.  But  house- 
keeping was  attended  with  many  difficulties.  There 
were  no  female  servants.  Fleas,  rats,  and  other 
vermin  abounded.  Laundry  expenses  were  often 
higher  than  new  underwear.  Water  was  very 
scarce  and  the  dwellings  themselves  most  defi- 
cient. These  conditions  tended  to  retard  the 
progress  of  family  life,  and  to  make  more  tempt- 
ing the  attractions  of  the  vice-breeding  resorts. 

In  the  war  of  the  home  upon  vice  a few  Chris* 


Forty-Nine 


231 


tian  missionaries  lent  their  vigorous  aid.  Min- 
isters like  “Father”  Taylor,  Willey,  and  Hunt 
dared  to  raise  their  voices  in  the  stronghold  of 
sin  and  evil  in  a plea  for  righteousness  and  godli- 
ness. Many  brave  deeds  are  recorded  of  the  days 
of  ’49,  but  a perusal  of  the  experiences  of  these 
men  compels  recognition  of  their  acts  as  among 
the  bravest  of  them  all. 

It  was  not  that  the  people  of  San  Francisco 
and  the  other  towns,  where  conditions  were  very 
much  the  same  but  on  a smaller  scale,  were  all 
evil.  To  reach  California  was  in  itself  a task 
which  implied  energy  and  self-reliance;  but  mod- 
eration was  not  a virtue  consonant  with  the  Cali- 
fornia environment.  Ancient  traditions  were 
forgotten  and  the  newcomer  plunged  at  once 
into  the  swirl  of  innovation  and  speculation.  But 
not  all  his  good  qualities  left  him.  Goodfellow- 
ship,  hospitality  and  generosity  reigned  supreme. 
Pedigree  was  forgotten  and  the  great  principle  of 
the  West,  “ a man  for  what  -he  can  do,”  was 
firmly  established.  Among  the  miners  there  were 
many  toughs,  loafers  and  drunkards,  but  most 
of  them  were  sound  and  honest  beneath  a rough 
exterior,  and  their  strongest  characteristic  was  a 
readiness  to  lend  a helping  hand  to  a fellow  miner. 
It  was  this  spirit  that  brought  California  through 
the  trying  days  which  were  upon  her,  and  enabled 
her  to  take  a proud  position  among  the  common- 
wealths of  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER  XX 

THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  A GOVERNMENT 

A T the  time  of  the  gold  discovery  there  were 
**  about  ten  thousand  people  in  California,  of 
whom  two  thousand  were  Americans.  A year  and 
a half  later  the  population  of  the  territory  had  in- 
creased to  80,000.  During  all  of  this  time,  and 
with  this  tremendous  influx  of  population  Cali- 
fornia had  been  practically  without  a government. 
Commodore  Stockton  had  ordered  at  the  time  of 
the  conquest  that  the  old  laws  and  usages  of  the 
department  should  be  continued  in  force.  But 
from  being  the  quietest  corner  of  the  world  Cali- 
fornia had  suddenly  become  the  busiest,  and  with 
the  arrival  of  thousands  of  newcomers  the  older 
inhabitants  became  lost  in  the  crowd,  and  it  was 
impossible  to  discover  in  many  cases  what  these 
old  laws  and  usages  were. 

California  was  tried  as  no  other  American 
community  had  ever  been  tried.  She  had  to  solve 
problems  in  law  and  government  such  as  no  other 
community  anywhere  was  ever  called  upon  to 
solve.  The  trial  showed  both  the  nobility  and 
the  weakness  of  the  American  character.  Brutal 
passions  had  full  sway  and  had  to  be  conquered  by 
all  the  powers  that  could  be  summoned  against 

232 


Establishment  of  a Government  233 


them.  The  problems  to  be  solved  were  American 
and  not  Spanish,  and  they  had  to  be  settled  in  an 
American  way.  The  American  system  of  law  was 
that  of  most  of  the  newcomers,  and  it  was  evident 
that  this  must  soon  supersede  the  antiquated  Mex- 
ican system. 

The  news  of  peace  with  Mexico  was  received 
August  6,  1848,  and  every  one  in  the  territory 
thought  that  the  first  action  of  Congress  would 
be  the  establishment  of  a government  for  Cali- 
fornia. But  Congress,  for  reasons  we  have  al- 
ready learned,  did  not  take  action.  It  adjourned 
and  left  the  problem  untouched.  The  avowed 
object  of  the  Mexican  war  was  the  acquisition 
of  territory.  As  it  was  generally  thought  that  this 
territory  would  be  in  the  South,  the  southerners 
expected  it  would  naturally  become  a slave  terri- 
tory. But  the  question  of  slavery  never  became 
vital  as  a local  question  in  California.  It  settled 
itself  there  for  neither  soil  nor  climate  were 
adapted  to  it,  and  sentiment  was  against  it.  And 
so  when  California  applied  for  admission  to  the 
Union  it  was  as  a free  state.  This  unexpected 
turn  of  affairs  wholly  upset  the  plans  of  the  south- 
erners and  aroused  violent  and  bitter  opposition  on 
their  part  to  the  admission  of  the  new  state. 

While  Congress  was  struggling  over  the  matter 
and  doing  nothing  the  settlers  themselves  took 
steps  to  remedy  the  evil  conditions.  California 
was  full  of  strong  men.  They  had  been  picked  in 


284  The  Story  of  California 

the  East  and  the  journey  over  the  plains  had 
strengthened  them.  It  had  made  them  serious. 
The  struggles  with  the  dangers  of  the  great  moun- 
tain ranges  and  their  final  conquest  had  added 
much  to  their  power.  From  the  two  they  had 
acquired  a sturdy  self-reliance  which  led  them  to 
face  this  new  difficulty  courageously. 

As  early  as  February  of  1847  the  California 
Star  had  urged  a convention  to  form  a constitu- 
tion because  of  the  utter  inadequacy  of  the  existing 
order  of  things.  But  it  was  not  until  December 
II,  1848,  that  anything  like  a real  meeting  on 
the  subject  was  held.  This  was  at  San  Jose  and 
a general  convention  to  form  a government  was 
recommended.  Another  meeting  was  held  in  San 
Francisco  shortly  after  and  this  was  followed  by 
others  throughout  the  state.  The  people  of  San 
Francisco  actually  started  a temporary  govern- 
ment for  themselves  with  fifteen  members  in  its 
legislative  assembly.  The  other  officers  consisted 
of  three  magistrates,  a treasurer  and  a sheriff. 

The  sentiment  everywhere  was  in  favor  of  a 
convention  to  form  a constitution,  but  nobody 
seemed  to  know  just  whose  duty  it  was  to  call  it. 
Governor  Mason’s  position  was  extremely  diffi- 
cult. He  was  chief  of  a country  where  the  forts 
were  without  soldiers,  the  towns  without  men;  a 
territory  without  legislators  or  laws,  and  communi- 
cation with  his  home  government  slow  and  infre- 
quent. Neither  he  nor  the  President  had  any 


Establishment  of  a Government  235 


power  to  establish  a government  until  Congress 
should  act.  So  everything  in  California,  includ- 
ing the  government,  had  to  be  improvised,  for  the 
territory  had  no  legal  status  after  the  treaty  of 
peace.  There  was  no  provision  in  the  United 
States  Constitution  for  such  a situation.  An  at- 
tempt to  legalize  the  status  of  the  country  was 
made  by  the  officials  of  the  United  States  who 
claimed  that  the  continuance  of  the  military  gov- 
ernment rested  upon  the  consent  of  the  governed. 
This  consent  was  presumed  from  the  fact  that 
their  only  alternative  was  anarchy,  and  that  no 
people  would  choose  that  where  any  other  gov- 
ernment at  all  was  available. 

When  General  Bennett  Riley  succeeded  Mason 
as  governor,  he  took  matters  into  his  own  hands 
and  called  a constitutional  convention  to  meet  at 
Monterey,  September  i,  1849.  This  assembly 
was  empowered  by  the  proclamation  which 
brought  it  into  being,  to  make  such  laws  “ as  did 
not  conflict  with  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  nor  the  common  law  thereof.”  As  it  was  an 
entirely  extra-constitutional  body  and  there  is  no 
common  law  of  the  United  States,  its  position 
was  somewhat  indefinite. 

Not  on  this  point  but  on  another  many  of  the 
settlers  dissented  from  this  proclamation.  They 
thought  that  Riley,  being  a military  officer,  had 
no  authority  to  call  a constitutional  convention  to 
establish  a civil  government.  But  largely  through 


236 


The  Story  of  California 


the  efforts  of  Peter  H.  Burnett,  who  afterwards 
became  the  first  governor  of  the  state,  this  opposi- 
tion was  overcome.  He  arranged  for  a citizens 
committee  to  call  a convention  at  the  same  time 
and  place  as  Riley’s  and  give  it  the  same  powers. 
Thus  the  convention,  when  it  did  meet  had  a dou- 
ble sanction,  though  the  authority  of  either  source 
was  very  questionable.  However,  no  one  ques- 
tioned its  acts.  The  feeling  was  universal  that  it 
was  better  to  have  a government  than  to  squabble 
over  the  means  of  getting  it. 

General  Riley,  General  Persifor  Smith,  and 
Thomas  Butler  King  traveled  about  the  country 
arousing  interest  in  the  convention  and  emphasiz- 
ing the  importance  of  it  to  every  citizen  of  Cali- 
fornia. They  succeeded  in  persuading  the  people 
to  stop  in  their  mad  pursuit  of  wealth  to  elect 
suitable  delegates.  This  election  took  place  Au- 
gust i,  1849,  and  was  marked  by  no  disturbance 
of  any  kind.  Most  of  the  delegates,  after  their 
election  set  out  for  Monterey,  going  part  or  all 
of  the  way  by  ship.  One  of  the  boats  which  car- 
ried many  of  the  delegates  from  the  southern  part 
of  the  territory,  the  United  States  Steamship 
Edith,  was  wrecked  on  the  way  up  the  coast. 

The  convention  was  called  to  order  in  Colton 
Hall  at  Monterey,  September  1,  1849,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  two  proclamations.  Dr.  Robert 
Semple,  a veteran  California  editor,  presided.  He 
stood  before  the  meeting,  a giant  in  stature,  and  a 


Establishment  of  a Government  237 


splendid  example  of  the  plain,  right-thinking  man 
who  was  the  type  of  the  best  California  citizen- 
ship of  the  time.  William  G.  Marcy  was  elected 
secretary  of  the  convention. 

Forty-eight  delegates  answered  the  roll  call. 
The  nationality,  age,  and  business  of  these  del- 
egates is  of  great  interest:  Seven  were  Hispano- 
Californians ; Ireland,  Scotland,  Spain,  France, 
and  Switzerland  were  represented  by  one  each; 
the  remainder  were  Americans.  Of  the  whole 
number  twenty-two  had  been  in  California  three 
years  or  more.  By  occupation,  fourteen  were 
lawyers,  twelve  farmers,  seven  merchants,  and  the 
remainder  were  engineers,  bankers,  physicians, 
and  printers.  The  average  age  of  the  delegates 
was  thirty-six  years.  Prominent  among  them  were 
such  men  as  Sutter,  Larkin,  Gilbert,  Vallejo,  Pico 
and  Carillo.  The  make-up  of  the  convention  re- 
futes the  statement  which  has  frequently  been 
made  that  California’s  first  constitution  was 
framed  by  ignorant  gold  hunters. 

The  delegates  realized  the  importance  of  their 
task  and  to  a great  extent  its  difficulty.  They  did 
not  pretend  to  originate  a constitution  but  care- 
fully compared  those  of  other  states,  and  selecting 
what  they  thought  were  the  best  features  of  each, 
succeeded  in  framing  a very  acceptable  instrument. 

The  first  question  to  be  decided  was  whether  to 
form  a territorial  or  a state  government.  This 
was  decided  in  favor  of  the  latter.  Then  came  the 


238  The  Story  of  California 

slavery  question.  The  master  of  the  convention 
was  William  Gwin,  a southerner.  He  had  come  to 
California  especially  for  the  purpose  of  furnishing 
that  future  state  with  at  least  one  piece  of  timber 
out  of  which  she  could  fashion  an  honored  public 
servant.  He  was  the  leader  of  the  so-called 
southern  element  which  was  supposed  to  be  in 
control  of  the  convention.  Of  the  delegates, 
twenty-two  were  from  northern  states,  fifteen  from 
slave  states,  with  seven  native  Californians  and 
four  foreign  born.  Gwin  felt  that  to  try  to  in- 
sert a clause  permitting  slavery  in  the  constitution 
under  such  circumstances  was  to  invite  almost  cer- 
tain defeat.  The  resolution  against  this  institu- 
tion therefore  passed  by  a unanimous  vote. 

But  this  was  not  the  end  of  the  slavery  question. 
Gwin  was  a southerner  of  the  southerners,  and 
the  clause  prohibiting  slavery  did  not  destroy  his 
hope  of  winning  something  for  the  cause.  In  due 
time  the  question  of  the  boundary  of  the  new 
state  came  up  for  discussion.  The  territory  ceded 
by  Mexico  included  the  present  states  of  Cali- 
fornia, Nevada,  Utah,  Arizona,  and  parts  of 
Colorado,  Wyoming  and  New  Mexico.  Here 
Gwin  saw  an  opportunity  and  he  led  his  followers 
in  an  earnest  attempt  to  include  all  of  this  territory 
within  the  borders  of  the  new  state.  It  was  the 
scheme  of  the  southerners  to  bring  California  into 
the  Union  with  this  enormous  territory,  and  later 
to  divide  it  along  an  east  and  west  line,  making 


Establishment  of  a Government  239 

of  the  southern  portion  one  or  more  slave  states. 
The  struggle  was  sharp  and  the  result  was  for  a 
time  in  doubt.  But  Gwin  had  an  ambition  to  be 
one  of  the  first  senators  from  the  new  state  and 
he  could  not  afford  to  antagonize  the  anti-slavery 
sentiment.  He  withdrew  his  opposition  and  the 
boundary  was  fixed  as  it  is  today. 

The  question  of  taxation  also  aroused  some 
feeling,  and  this  time  the  whole  delegation  from 
the  southern  portion  of  the  territory  stood  to- 
gether. It  became  apparent  at  once  that  under 
the  system  of  taxation  in  common  use,  the  holders 
of  the  enormous  Spanish  and  Mexican  land  grants 
in  the  south  would  pay  almost  the  whole  cost  of 
the  government  of  which  all  would  receive  the 
benefit.  This  difficulty  was  overcome  by  the  estab- 
lishment of  a system  of  locally  chosen  appraisers. 

The  labors  of  the  convention  were  ended  and 
the  constitution  signed  October  13,  1849.  The 
news  that  the  great  work  was  finished  was  re- 
ceived with  prolonged  cheers,  salutes  of  cannon 
and  the  unfurling  of  flags.  Thousands  of  copies 
of  the  new  constitution  were  immediately  spread 
broadcast  over  the  country.  Every  remote  ranch 
and  mining  camp  all  over  the  state  was  busy  study- 
ing its  provisions.  One  month  after  its  completion 
the  new  constitution  was  ratified  by  a fifteen  to 
one  vote.  Only  one-sixth  of  the  Americans  in  the 
territory  voted. 

Governor  Riley  proclaimed  the  new  constitution 


240 


The  Story  of  California 

to  be  duly  “ ordained  and  established,”  and  quietly 
surrendered  the  government  of  the  state  to  the 
newly-elected  governor,  Peter  H.  Burnett.  In  the 
election  Burnett  had  defeated  three  other  candi- 
dates, including  John  A.  Sutter  who  received  the 
third  largest  vote. 

Governor  Burnett  called  the  new  legislature 
together  December  15.  No  capital  had  been 
fixed  by  the  constitutional  convention  but  the  legis- 
lature was  required  to  meet  at  San  Jose  until  it 
was  removed  by  law.  The  building  in  which  the 
sessions  were  held  was  provided  by  the  people  of 
the  city.  It  was  an  unfurnished  box  sixty  feet  long 
by  forty  feet  wide.  The  assembly  hall  occupied 
all  of  the  second  floor  while  the  senate  chamber 
and  offices  were  located  below. 

The  first  business  to  be  transacted  was  the  elec- 
tion of  United  States  senators.  California  had 
not  been  admitted  as  a state  as  yet,  but  everybody 
felt  so  sure  it  would  be  without  delay  that  the 
election  of  senators  was  considered  of  primary 
importance.  John  Charles  Fremont  was  chosen 
on  the  first  ballot  and  William  Gwin  on  the  third. 
The  next  act  was  to  begin  borrowing  money  to  pay 
expenses.  This  was  done  with  alacrity.  These 
two  important  matters  disposed  of,  the  legisla- 
ture proceeded  to  the  enactment  of  laws  for  the 
government  of  the  new  state.  A code  was  adopted 
which,  like  the  constitution,  was  for  the  most  part 


Establishment  of  a Government  241 

copied  from  the  statute  law  of  other  states  and 
which  was,  on  the  whole,  very  acceptable. 

The  matter  of  the  location  of  the  state  capital 
was  one  which  continually  recurred  during  the 
early  years  of  the  commonwealth.  The  constitu- 
tion had  failed  to  fix  the  seat  of  government,  and 
the  consequence  was  that  it  was  peddled  about  the 
state  for  years,  before  it  found  its  final  resting 
place.  San  Jose,  Sacramento,  Vallejo,  and  Beni- 
cia were  at  various  times  contestants  for  the 
honor,  and  each  of  these  cities  was  the  home  at 
one  time  or  another  of  one  legislature  or  a part 
of  one,  for  on  two  occasions  it  was  moved  in  the 
middle  of  a session.  The  supreme  court  of  the 
state  became  involved  in  the  discussion  at  one 
time  and  for  some  months  was  at  variance  with 
the  legislature  on  the  subject.  Sacramento  was 
finally  chosen  and  became  the  permanent  seat  of 
government  in  1854. 

California,  in  so  far  as  she  herself  could  ac- 
complish it,  had  made  herself  a member  of  the 
Union.  But  the  Union  had  so  far  failed  to  per- 
form her  part  of  the  ceremony.  The  question  of 
the  admission  of  California  had  become  the  focus- 
ing point  for  all  the  forces  which  raged  about  the 
question  of  slavery.  The  southerners  realized 
that  if  California  came  in  as  a free  state  their 
power  was  gone  forever.  The  northerners  real- 
ized equally  well  that  the  end  of  the  Union  was 
near  if  the  southerners  In  their  present  temper 


242 


The  Story  of  California 


ever  secured  the  control  of  affairs.  Both  sides 
were  determined,  and  the  struggle  was  a bitter 
one. 

At  last  the  northern  sentiment  triumphed,  and 
President  Fillmore  signed  the  bill  admitting  Cali- 
fornia September  9,  1850.  The  long  wished  for 
tidings  did  not  reach  San  Francisco  until  October 
18.  The  excitement  which  followed  its  coming 
was  intense.  Business  was  suspended.  Courts 
adjourned.  The  whole  population  congregated 
in  Portsmouth  Square  to  congratulate  each  other 
and  to  give  vent  to  their  delight  in  shouts  and 
other  demonstrations  appropriate  to  such  an  occa- 
sion. Newspapers  containing  the  news  sold  for 
$5  a copy. 

California  was  at  last  a member  of  the  Union 
and  her  seal,  on  which  appeared  the  goddess 
Minerva,  a grizzly  bear,  a miner  washing  gold, 
shipping  on  the  Sacramento  River,  with  the  Sier- 
ras in  the  background,  and  the  whole  surrounded 
by  a galaxy  of  thirty-one  stars  (the  number  of 
states  after  California’s  admission),  with  the 
word  “ Eureka  ” at  the  top,  took  its  place  among 
those  of  the  other  American  commonwealths. 


FRONT  STREET,  SACRAMENTO,  IN  1850 
(From  an  old  print) 


CHAPTER  XXI 

THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  ORDER  * 


HE  miners  before  the  establishment  of  the 


state  government  had  found  the  old  Mexican 
system  entirely  inadequate  to  meet  the  needs  of 
the  situation,  and  they  had  been  forced  to  take  the 
administration  of  the  law  into  their  own  hands. 
Their  trials  were  rather  informal,  but  they  were 
conducted  without  delay,  and  punishment  was  im- 
mediate. There  were  no  technicalities  and  no 
legal  quibbles.  The  cases  were  all  simple  crim- 
inal matters  and  needed  no  complicated  legal  sys- 
tem to  handle  them.  Instances  of  the  infliction 
of  the  death  penalty  were  extremely  few.  From 
such  facts  as  are  available,  it  seems  that  substan- 
tial justice  was  done  in  the  great  majority  of  the 


It  had  been  hoped  that  the  new  government 
would  do  away  with  the  necessity  of  these  popular 
tribunals  and  would  substitute  for  them  a reg- 
ular and  orderly  system  of  judicial  procedure. 
In  form  it  did  so,  but  it  gradually  became  known 
that  the  weakness  of  the  new  government  was  its 
inability  to  punish  crime.  This  of  course  greatly 

* The  title  of  this  chapter  is  taken  from  Josiah  Royce's 
“California,”  as  most  accurately  describing  the  subject 


cases. 


£43 


244 


The  Story  of  California 


emboldened  the  criminal  element.  So  lax  was  the 
administration  of  the  law  that  there  were  few 
crimes  for  which  immunity  could  not  be  bought. 
A desperate  character  would  kill  a fellow-citizen 
to  rob  him  of  $2,000,  one-half  of  which  went  to 
purchase  his  complete  freedom  from  prosecution. 

The  effect  of  this  laxity  in  the  judicial  system 
in  the  society  then  in  California  can  be  readily 
imagined.  The  profligate  and  vicious  preyed 
upon  the  honest  and  industrious,  and  the  latter 
were  in  constant  jeopardy  of  being  murdered  for 
their  money.  The  extension  of  the  stage  lines  gave 
birth  to  a new  industry,  that  of  holding  up  and 
robbing  the  coaches.  The  express  companies 
were  the  heaviest  losers  by  this  traffic  and  they 
were  the  most  effective  factor  in  eventually  exter- 
minating it.  The  whole  situation  was  such  as  to 
drive  the  better  people  of  the  state  to  take  the 
law  into  their  own  hands. 

California  had  developed  a mining  law  of  her 
own.  This  was  at  first  made  by  general  agree- 
ment in  each  of  the  various  camps.  With  the  con- 
stant shifting  of  men  from  one  camp  to  another 
there  was  a gradual  approach  to  uniformity.  Re- 
corders were  chosen  in  the  larger  camps  to  keep  a 
systematic  record  of  all  transfers,  and  all  dis- 
putes were  settled  by  a public  meeting.  Thus 
each  mining  camp  became  a little  republic.  It 
kept  order  for  itself  and  was  even  inclined  to  re- 
sent any  interference  from  the  outside.  At  first 

1 


The  Struggle  for  Order 


245 


a general  camaraderie  prevailed  and  theft  was 
almost  unknown,  though  the  precious  gold-dust 
was  left  in  the  miner’s  hut  or  tent  in  full  view. 

But  with  increasing  numbers  this  happy  condi- 
tion was  changed.  Every  town  had  its  bully  and 
its  sharpers.  Vice  and  its  numerous  agents  in- 
creased with  great  rapidity.  Robbers  began  to 
ply  their  trade.  Bands  of  ruffians  made  system- 
atic raids  on  convoys  from  the  mines.  These 
conditions  made  human  life  cheap.  Theft  began 
to  be  considered  a greater  crime  than  murder. 
While  this  was  the  true  condition  in  California  in 
the  early  days,  it  must  be  remembered  that  the 
picturesque  descriptions  of  the  camps,  which  are 
so  frequently  met  with  in  “ western  ” literature, 
are  very  highly  colored.  Violence  leaves  a deeper 
impression  than  peace,  with  the  result  that  in  this 
instance  the  world  has  been  given  a very  exag- 
gerated picture  of  the  evils  of  the  mining  camps. 

The  punishments  of  the  miners’  tribunals  were 
always  swift  and  severe  and  at  times  cruel.  Ban- 
ishment w'as  common  in  spite  of  the  inherent  evil 
in  driving  the  guilty  man  to  infest  another  camp 
or  to  make  his  living  as  an  outlaw  or  a road- 
agent.  But  miners’  law  with  its  deliberate  and 
orderly  procedure  and  its  careful  safeguarding  of 
the  rights  of  the  accused  must  be  carefully  dis- 
tinguished from  “ lynch  law,”  which  is  the  expres- 
sion of  an  unreasoning  popular  passion.  There 
were  no  jails  in  California  in  those  days,  and  the 


246 


The  Story  of  California 


only  alternative  was  a summary  punishment.  The 
various  communities  are  open  to  censure  for  this 
failure  to  provide  proper  jails.  The  men  who 
made  up  their  population  were  largely  selfishly 
seeking  to  enrich  themselves  and  then  leave,  in- 
stead of  spending  some  portion  of  the  all-prev- 
alent wealth  in  the  preserving  and  up-building  of 
the  social  order. 

The  greatest  evil  in  the  whole  system,  how- 
ever, was  the  injustice  shown  by  miners’  juries  to 
foreigners  and  especially  “ greasers,”  as  the  min- 
ers had  christened  the  Mexicans.  There  were 
many  instances  of  Americans  ejecting  Mexicans 
and  Spaniards  from  their  claims  and  calmly  appro- 
priating them.  The  feeling  prevailed  that  “ for- 
eigners ” should  not  be  allowed  to  participate  in 
the  newly  discovered  wealth. 

The  inexcusable  incidents  of  this  lawless 
method  of  enforcing  law  inevitably  engendered 
a strong  reaction.  The  growth  of  the  country  in 
numbers  and  of  its  citizens  in  moral  strength 
brought  about  the  improvement  of  the  judicial 
system  and  the  relinquishment  to  it  of  the  duty  of 
preserving  order.  This  change  took  place  slowly, 
however.  The  original  establishment  of  the  state 
government  brought  the  semblance  but  not  the 
substance  of  law,  and  the  outlying  communities 
were  not  only  slow  to  turn  over  to  its  officials  the 
preservation  of  order,  but  were  quick  to  take  it 
back  into  their  own  hands  at  the  slightest  failure 


The  Struggle  for  Order 


247 


on  the  part  of  the  duly  constituted  authorities. 
So  the  formation  of  the  government  was  only  the 
beginning  of  the  struggle  for  order,  and  the  real 
government  was  not  firmly  established  until  many 
years  after. 

The  struggle  was  going  on  in  all  parts  of  the 
state,  but  its  storm  center  was  San  Francisco.  Here 
every  element  in  the  life  of  the  California  of 
those  days  was  to  be  seen  in  its  most  intense  form. 
But  before  describing  the  phases  of  the  struggle 
in  that  city,  it  is  necessary  to  recall  the  fact  that 
the  striking  and  unusual  events  in  the  history  of 
any  community,  while  they  fill  the  greatest  space 
in  the  narrative,  do  not  always  constitute  the  real 
daily  life  of  the  community. 

All  the  better  citizenship  of  San  Francisco  was 
absorbed  in  one  idea  • — the  making  of  money.  Lit- 
tle if  any  attention  was  paid  to  the  affairs  of  gov- 
ernment, and  no  more  than  a passing  remark  was 
bestowed  by  the  great  majority  of  the  citizens 
on  the  matter  of  the  preservation  of  order.  The 
conditions  were  ideal  for  the  spread  of  crime. 
About  the  middle  of  1849  a band  of  desperadoes 
organized  under  the  name  of  “ Regulators  ” for 
the  purpose  of  more  easily  carrying  out  their 
criminal  plans.  They  were  called  “ Hounds  ” by 
the  citizens  upon  whom  they  committed  continual 
depredations  under  the  flimsy  pretext  of  being  op- 
posed to  foreigners.  But  even  these  actions 
aroused  no  effectual  opposition  until  their  excesses 


248 


The  Story  of  California 


became  such  that  there  was  no  safety  for  any- 
one. Then  widespread  terror  gave  birth  to  the 
determination  to  exterminate  its  cause. 

On  Sunday,  July  15,  1850,  a cowardly  attack 
by  the  Regulators  on  the  Chileans  aroused  the  bet- 
ter citizenship  to  action.  They  organized  under 
the  leadership  of  Sam  Brannan.  Their  first  act 
was  to  arrest  twenty  of  the  ringleaders  of  the 
rioters  and  try  them.  The  principal  one  of  these, 
Sam  Roberts,  was  found  guilty  and  imprisoned. 
This  was  the  end  of  the  Hounds  for  the  action  of 
the  citizens  had  demonstrated  that  a determined 
effort  could  put  down  a disorderly  gang  of  ruf- 
fians. 

But  the  lesson  was  soon  forgotten  amidst  the 
great  excitement  over  new  gold  discoveries,  and 
the  universal  absorption  in  the  pursuit  of  the  glit- 
tering dust.  The  great  hordes  of  criminals  who 
made  their  way  in  with  the  gold-seekers  began 
again  to  reap  a rich  harvest.  Even  the  courts  of 
justice  were  apparently  instruments  in  their  hands. 
For  all  the  murders  committed  at  this  time,  not 
a man  was  hanged.  The  number  is  appalling. 
From  1849  to  1854  inclusive  over  4,000  murders 
were  committed  in  the  state,  1,200  of  which  were 
in  San  Francisco.  During  this  time  there  was  but 
one  legal  conviction. 

The  robbery  February  19,  1851,  of  a man 
named  Jansen  by  two  men  who  entered  his  store  as 
customers  again  aroused  the  indignation  of  the 


The  Struggle  for  Order 


249 


citizens  to  activity.  The  men  supposed  to  be  guilty 
were  caught.  For  a few  hours  the  mob  spirit  pre- 
vailed and  an  attempt  at  lynching  was  made.  This 
failed,  but  in  the  evening,  at  the  instance  of  Wil- 
liam T.  Coleman,  the  first  steps  toward  the  organ- 
ization of  a vigilance  committee  were  taken. 
Criminals,  instead  of  taking  warning  at  these  pro- 
ceedings, became  bolder.  June  io,  the  “Com- 
mittee of  Vigilance  of  San  Francisco”  was  formal- 
ly organized. 

The  avowed  object  of  the  new  organization  was 
to  bring  criminals  to  justice  — through  the  courts 
if  possible  — more  summarily  if  not.  Reputa- 
tions, fortunes  and  lives  were  pledged  in  this  cause 
and  words  were  not  minced  in  speaking  of  the 
corruption  of  the  police  and  the  laxity  of  those 
who  “ pretended  ” to  administer  justice.  It  was 
arranged  that  whenever  it  was  necessary  for  the 
committee  to  meet,  taps  on  the  fire-bell  should  be 
the  signal.  The  very  night  of  its  organization, 
the  bell  sounded  and  the  members  were  summoned 
to  their  solemn  duty. 

A man  named  John  Jenkins,  an  ex-convict  from 
Sydney,  had  been  caught  burglarizing  a store.  He 
was  taken  to  the  rooms  of  the  committee,  tried, 
found  guilty,  sentenced,  taken  to  Portsmouth 
Square  and  hanged  within  six  hours  after  his  crime 
was  committed.  The  effect  of  this  prompt  if 
somewhat  summary  administration  of  justice  was 
immediate  and  satisfactory.  Many  of  the  best 


250 


The  Story  of  California 


citizens  of  San  Francisco  expressed  their  approval 
by  enrolling  themselves  as  members  of  the  com- 
mittee. 

This  first  Vigilance  Committee  executed  four 
men  in  all  and  banished  fifty  more.  Hundreds 
of  undesirable  characters  left  the  city  feeling  that 
they  were  no  longer  welcome.  The  efforts  of  the 
committee  also  had  a salutary  effect  in  arousing 
the  officers  of  the  state  to  a more  careful  perform- 
ance of  their  duties.  Similar  committees  were 
organized  in  many  of  the  interior  towns.  But 
there  the  need  was  not  so  great,  and  the  distinc- 
tion between  vigilance  committee  and  mob  rule 
was  often  lost  sight  of.  Many  crimes  were  com- 
mitted in  the  name  of  justice. 

Reprehensible  as  were  such  actions,  there  was 
a broad  distinction  between  them  and  the  acts  of 
the  San  Francisco  Committee.  This  was  a last 
resort  in  the  efforts  of  a crime-ridden  population 
to  restore  peace  and  quiet  in  their  city.  But  even 
this  was  deplored  by  many  respectable  citizens. 
Officials,  lawyers,  and  others  who  were  bred  to 
an  innate  respect  for  the  forms  of  law,  character- 
ized it  as  mob  violence.  They  even  formed  a 
counter  organization  known  as  the  “ Law  and 
Order  Party.”  This  organization  was  headed  by 
the  southern  aristocrats,  who  were  successful  in 
obtaining  a condemnation  of  the  Committee  by 
the  mayor  and  the  grand  jury.  But  the  laboring 


251 


The  Struggle  for  Order 

classes  were  unanimously  on  the  side  of  the  Com- 
mittee and  all  efforts  to  put  it  down  failed. 

The  last  formal  act  of  the  First  Vigilance  Com- 
mittee was  performed  June  30,  1852,  but  its  mem- 
bers were  ready  to  answer  a call  for  months  after 
that.  Gradually,  however,  its  vigilance  relaxed 
and  crime  again  began  to  show  its  head.  This  time 
the  criminals  showed  an  appreciation  of  their  ear- 
lier experience  and  set  about  attaining  their  ends  in 
a more  circumspect  manner.  They  attacked  the 
purity  of  the  ballot  box  as  they  thought  it  safer 
to  steal  under  the  cover  of  the  law.  An  era  of 
political  corruption  was  inaugurated.  Probably 
during  this  regime  every  scheme  that  was  ever 
tried  anywhere  to  corrupt  ballot  boxes  was  oper- 
ated successfully  in  San  Francisco.  The  lure  of 
wealth  held  the  attention  of  the  great  body  of 
citizens  and  crime  found  a richer  “ strike  ” in 
plundering  at  home  than  in  digging  afield.  Polit- 
ical conventions  were  a farce  and  public  officials 
were  almost  openly  working  in  connection  with 
the  criminal  elements. 

At  last  a man  was  found  who  had  the  courage 
to  denounce  these  conditions.  James  King  of 
William*  began  in  the  Daily  Bulletin  an  ex- 

* James  King  was  born  in  Georgetown,  D.  C.,  January  28, 
1822.  When  a young  man  he  added  “of  William”  to  his 
name  to  distinguish  himself  from  other  James  Kings  living 
theie  at  the  time.  William  was  his  father’s  name  and  it  was 
added  in  much  the  same  way  as  “ junior  ” or  “ senior  ” might 
be  used. 


252 


The  Story  of  California 


posure  of  local  corruption  and  to  urge  an  uprising 
against  it.  His  efforts,  while  generally  approved, 
met  with  a widespread  apathy.  In  spite  of  this 
King  continued  the  fight  and  the  criminals  real- 
ized that  in  him  they  had  a dangerous  foe.  May 
14,  1856,  King  was  shot  down  by  James  Casey, 
a member  of  the  Board  of  Supervisors,  whom 
King  had  exposed  as  an  ex-convict  and  thoroughly 
disreputable  character. 

This  attack  upon  King  and  his  death  from  the 
wound  six  days  later  served  to  arouse  the  very 
spirit  which  he  had  long  labored  to  bring  to  life. 
There  followed  an  exhibition  of  popular  indigna- 
tion remarkable  for  its  intensity  and  power.  Ten 
thousand  persons  surrounded  the  jail  in  which 
Casey  was  confined,  demanding  justice  against 
the  murderer.  It  took  three  thousand  armed 
guards  to  keep  them  at  bay.  Word  was  spread 
that  the  Vigilance  Committee  was  being  reorgan- 
ized. William  T.  Coleman,  who  had  been  active  in 
1851,  again  took  the  lead  and  perfected  a tem- 
porary organization.  This  new  committee,  3,500 
strong,  all  armed,  went  to  the  county  jail  and  de- 
manded Casey  and  Charles  Cora  who  was  also 
charged  with  murder.  The  sheriff  would  do  noth- 
ing in  the  face  of  such  a body,  backed  as  they 
were  by  seven-eighths  of  the  community.  He  de- 
livered the  prisoners  and  Casey  and  Cora  were 
tried  with  all  legal  formalities.  They  were  found 
guilty  and  sentenced  to  be  hanged.  The  next 


253 


The  Struggle  for  Order 

morning  the  permanent  organization  of  the  new 
Vigilance  Committee  commenced.  Coleman  was 
placed  at  its  head  with  absolute  control. 

James  King’s  remains  were  followed  to  their 
last  rest  by  a column  of  men  four  abreast  which 
extended  for  a mile  along  the  city  streets.  The 
prophet  and  the  martyr  of  civic  reform  was  thus 
buried  with  all  the  honors  which  his  fellow-citi- 
zens could  bestow  upon  him.  And  while  this 
sad  procession  did  honor  to  the  murdered  man, 
Casey  and  Cora  were  hanged  in  front  of  the 
Vigilance  Headquarters. 

By  July  the  Vigilance  Committee  had  become 
an  organized  army  of  6,000  men.  The  great 
body  of  the  people  of  San  Francisco  heartily  en- 
dorsed the  movement.  San  Jose  telegraphed  an 
offer  of  1,000  men  for  the  Committee.  In  its 
ranks  were  to  be  found  persons  of  all  classes  and 
creeds;  laborers,  merchants,  and  mechanics. 
Many  of  them  were  men  of  high  standing  who 
gave  a higher  tone  to  the  acts  of  this  Committee 
than  that  of  1851.  The  “ Law  and  Order  Party  ” 
were  again  in  evidence  and  called  for  volunteers. 
A few  lawyers  and  politicians  responded.  Gov- 
ernor Neely  Johnson  came  under  the  influence  of 
this  clique  and  was  prevailed  upon  to  issue  an  or- 
der for  the  Committee  to  disband.  No  attention 
was  paid  to  this  order,  however,  and  for  several 
weeks  the  Committee  was  in  full  control.  The 
ordinary  business  of  the  community,  including 


254 


The  Story  of  California 

the  courts,  went  on  just  as  usual  except  that 
everything  came  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Committee. 

Four  men  were  hanged  and  twenty-five  ban- 
ished by  this  Committee,  while  over  eight  hun- 
dred deemed  it  wise  to  leave  California.  But  the 
real  work  accomplished  became  apparent  when 
in  the  autumn  elections  officials  were  elected  who 
would  carry  on  under  the  forms  of  law  what  the 
Committee  had  done  without  them.  For  years 
afterward  San  Francisco  was  a well-governed  city. 

During  the  time  when  it  was  necessary  for  the 
Committee  to  assume  full  control  of  all  the  ac- 
tivities of  the  city,  it  had  maintained  a strongly 
fortified  headquarters  which  was  called  Fort  Vigi- 
lance. It  was  nicknamed  “ Fort  Gunnybags  ” 
from  the  character  of  the  breastworks  which  were 
erected  in  front  of  the  building  and  ran  far  out 
into  the  street.  Cannon  were  mounted  on  the 
walls,  sentinels  paced  up  and  down,  and  an  alarm 
bell  stood  ready  to  summon  at  a moment’s  notice 
the  full  power  of  the  Committee.  Within  fifteen 
minutes  after  three  taps  had  been  sounded  upon 
this  bell,  over  4,000  men  would  be  in  place  ready 
for  any  emergency. 

The  San  Francisco  Vigilance  Committees  rep- 
resented anything  but  mob  rule.  They  were  sim- 
ply the  expression  of  the  moral  sense  of  the  com- 
munity rising  above  the  forms  of  law  which  had 
been  prostituted  by  corrupt  men  so  that  they  not 


The  Struggle  for  Order  255 

only  permitted  but  actually  abetted  crime.  One  of 
the  members  of  the  Committee  of  1856,  James  D. 
Farrell,  writes,  “ I went  into  that  Committee  with 
as  earnest  a sense  of  duty  as  I ever  embarked  in 
anything  in  my  life.  I went  into  it  as  a religious 
duty  to  society,  although  I knew  I was  going  an- 
tagonistic to  the  law  of  my  city  and  state.  . . . 

We  sunk  individual  self  entirely;  and  our  only  ob- 
ject was  to  save  the  lives  and  property  of  the 
community.”  This  serious  expression  undoubt- 
edly embodies  very  much  the  sentiment  of  the 
great  majority  of  the  members  of  the  Commit- 
tee. They  cheerfully  met  an  expense  of  several 
hundred  thousand  dollars  beside  losing  much  more 
by  the  neglect  of  their  own  business  which  mem- 
bership in  the  Committee  necessitated. 

The  Vigilance  Committees  were  a social  neces- 
sity of  their  time.  They  were  not  a wrong  in 
themselves  so  much  as  they  were  a confession  of 
past  sin  on  the  part  of  the  whole  community. 
While  hanging  and  banishing  criminals  was  an 
invaluable  part  of  their  work,  the  most  important 
result  of  their  activities  was  the  demonstration  of 
the  ability  of  the  community  soberly  and  justly 
to  take  in  hand  its  great  governmental  problems 
and  to  solve  them  in  such  a way  as  to  preserve 
the  best  interests  of  their  city.  When  their  work 
was  done  the  Vigilantes  dropped  back  into  their 
places  as  plain  American  citizens,  but  they  did 
not  forget  what  they  had  been  through  and  were 


256 


The  Story  of  California 


quick  to  see  and  eliminate  any  conditions  which 
might  lead  the  city  back  into  the  thraldom  from 
which  she  had  escaped. 

Thus  was  the  struggle  for  order  in  California 
carried  on.  Order  triumphed  by  going  outside 
the  forms  of  law,  for  here  the  evil-doers  instead  of 
fighting  the  law,  had  gained  control  of  its  ma- 
chinery. The  Committees  were  not  always  in- 
fallible in  their  methods  of  handling  the  perplex- 
ing questions  which  came  before  them.  In  June 
of  1856,  the  second  Committee  was  called  upon 
to  try  David  S.  Terry,  a judge  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  state,  for  his  part  in  an  underworld 
brawl  which  had  nearly  resulted  in  the  death  of  a 
man  stabbed  by  him.  The  members  of  the  Com- 
mittee quailed  at  the  thought  of  the  possible  con- 
sequence of  condemning  to  death  a man  so  high 
in  the  government  of  the  state  and  made  the  re- 
covery of  his  victim  an  excuse  for  his  acquittal. 

After  the  suppression  of  violence,  corruption 
became  the  greatest  public  enemy.  A continuous 
fight  was  made  against  criminal  activity  of  this 
kind,  but  not  always  successfully.  One  Harry 
Meigs  was  the  greatest  exponent  of  this  form 
of  evil.  By  means  of  forged  city  warrants,  he 
swindled  the  confiding  citizens  out  of  thousands 
of  dollars.  The  exact  amount  was  never  known 
because  many  never  presented  their  certificates. 
When  his  actions  were  discovered  he  escaped  to 
Chile,  where  he  died  eminent  and  respectable. 


The  Struggle  for  Order 


257 


In  fighting  corruption  in  its  offices  and  legis- 
lative halls,  California  is  not  alone  among  her 
sister  states.  But  in  her  great  struggle  to  estab- 
lish order  in  her  communities  her  experience  is 
unparalleled,  because  of  the  conditions  which  she 
had  to  face  in  1850  and  the  following  years.  As 
the  problems  she  had  to  solve  were  unique,  so 
must  her  method  of  solving  them  be  unique.  It 
is  to  the  lasting  credit  of  the  men  of  the  mining 
days  that  they  succeeded  in  bringing  order  out  of 
the  existing  chaos. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

THE  CIVIL  WAR 

O INCE  its  admission  to  the  Union  in  1850, 
^ California  had  been  Democratic  except  for 
one  short  period  during  which  the  American,  or 
“ Know-Nothing,”  party  was  in  power.  This  con- 
sistent adherence  to  the  Democracy  was  due  to  the 
large  southern  element  in  the  population  and  the 
activity  of  its  leaders.  William  Gwin  and  some 
others  had  come  to  the  new  state  for  the  express 
purpose  of  furnishing  it  with  statesmen,  and  the 
absorption  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people  in  the 
business  of  money-getting  had  allowed  them  to 
exercise  considerable  sway  over  the  affairs  of  the 
commonwealth. 

The  legislature  of  1859  was  strongly  pro-slav- 
ery, and  its  members  gave  much  support  to  the 
proposal  to  form  an  independent  Pacific  Republic. 
One  of  the  representatives  at  the  national  capital 
went  so  far  as  to  suggest  the  advisability  of  rais- 
ing the  Bear  Flag  and,  by  calling  upon  the  na- 
tions of  the  world  to  recognize  the  independence 
of  California,  save  the  state  from  the  wreck  of 
the  Union.  But  such  talk  did  not  represent  the 
feeling  of  the  majority  of  the  people  of  the 
state.  Union  demonstrations  were  held  every- 

258 


The  Civil  War 


259 


where  and  it  was  evident  at  least  in  the  central 
and  northern  part,  that  the  sentiment  of  its  peo- 
ple was  strongly  in  favor  of  the  Union. 

Failing  in  the  scheme  of  a Pacific  Republic,  the 
chivalry  seized  upon  the  apparent  favor  shown 
their  cause  in  the  southern  end  of  the  state  as  an 
opportunity  to  retrieve  their  declining  fortunes. 
The  legislature,  subservient  to  the  pro-slavery  in- 
terest, authorized  an  election  in  the  six  southern 
counties  of  the  state  on  the  question  of  whether 
they  would  withdraw  from  the  commonwealth  of 
California  and  form  a new  state  of  their  own. 
They  voted  in  favor  of  withdrawing,  giving  the 
proposal  a large  majority.  Governor  Latham 
urged  the  matter  on,  thinking  that  if  he  could  ac- 
complish the  formation  of  a new  slave  state  and 
thus  restore  the  balance  of  power  in  the  United 
States  Senate  there  would  be  no  limit  to  the 
heights  to  which  he  could  aspire.  But  in  spite 
of  his  efforts  the  matter  could  not  be  accomplished 
before  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  The  first  gun  at 
Charleston  was  the  signal  at  which  all  men  must 
take  an  unequivocal  stand  on  one  side  or  the  other 
of  the  great  question.  There  was  no  longer  a 
middle  ground  or  opportunity  for  wavering.  Af- 
ter that  it  would  have  been  treason  to  take  a fur- 
ther step  to  promote  the  secession  of  the  southern 
counties,  and  the  whole  matter  was  soon  forgotten 
in  the  rush  of  events. 

In  i860  came  the  first  great  test.  That  year  the 


260 


The  Story  of  California 

presidential  campaign  was  a memorable  one.  It 
was  vigorously,  even  fiercely  fought.  There  was 
much  bitter  feeling  on  both  sides,  but  the  four 
votes  of  the  state  in  the  electoral  college  were 
given  to  Lincoln.  Even  more  bitter  was  the  local 
campaign  of  1 8 6 1 . The  war  had  begun  and  feel- 
ing was  tense.  But  when  the  votes  were  counted 
it  was  found  that  California  had  declared  in  no 
uncertain  terms  for  liberty  and  union.  Governor 
Downey,  who  had  half-heartedly  espoused  the 
Union  cause,  but  urged  compromise  measures,  was 
defeated.  The  machinery  of  government  was 
taken  from  the  hands  of  the  southern  chivalry  and 
turned  over  to  an  anti-slavery  legislature.  Le- 
land  Stanford,  a Republican,  was  elected  gov- 
ernor by  a majority  of  23,000  votes.  One  of  the 
first  acts  of  the  new  legislature  was  to  pass  reso- 
lutions of  loyalty  to  the  Union,  and  to  offer  Cali- 
fornia’s aid  in  its  preservation. 

There  were  few  persons  in  California  who  had 
thought  that  the  South  would  actually  fight  against 
the  Federal  government.  But  the  news  of  the 
firing  upon  Fort  Sumter,  April  24,  1861,  con- 
vinced everyone  not  only  that  it  would  fight  but 
that  it  was  already  fighting.  Military  enthusiasm 
immediately  became  widespread.  Both  sides  felt 
it.  The  prevailing  sentiment  of  loyalty  in  the 
state  had  not  to  any  appreciable  extent  diminished 
southern  sympathy.  When  the  news  of  war  ar- 
rived one-third  of  the  officers  of  the  Sixth  Cali- 


The  Civil  War 


201 


fornia  Regiment  resigned  to  enter  the  Confederate 
ranks.  When  it  became  unpleasant  openly  to  ad- 
vocate the  southern  cause  many  of  its  sympathizers 
joined  the  “ Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle,”  a 
secret  society  made  up  of  pro-slavery  men.  Many 
Confederate  newspapers  were  circulated,  espe- 
cially in  the  southern  counties.  But  all  open  dem- 
onstrations were  sternly  suppressed. 

While  the  Confederate  ranks  received  their 
quota  of  California  men,  many  more  went  East 
to  join  the  northern  armies.  The  first  call  for 
volunteers  came  in  April,  1 8 6 1 , and  the  second 
in  August  of  the  same  year.  Five  regiments  of  in- 
fantry and  a regiment  and  a half  of  cavalry  re- 
sponded. 

Great  loyalist  meetings  were  held  in  various 
cities.  On  May  n,  1 8 6 1 , all  business  was  sus- 
pended in  San  Francisco  and  large  crowds,  wildly 
enthusiastic,  attended  the  monster  meetings  and 
cheered  for  the  Union.  Southern  sympathizers 
were  closely  watched  and  any  attempts  at  agita- 
tion in  favor  of  slavery  were  quickly  checked. 
The  enthusiasm  of  the  loyal  supporters  of  the 
Union  was  kept  at  a high  pitch,  due  largely  to 
the  efforts  of  Thomas  Starr  King,  a San  Francisco 
clergyman.  He  spoke  fearlessly  against  slavery 
and  kept  the  Stars  and  Stripes  floating  above  his 
church  throughout  the  war. 

The  principal  attempts  at  southern  demonstra- 
tions were  in  the  southern  towns.  This  was  due 


262 


The  Story  of  California 


not  only  to  the  fact  that  many  immigrants  from 
the  southern  states  had  settled  there  but  because 
the  native  population  was  constantly  fretting  un- 
der what  it  considered  the  unjust  burden  of  tax- 
ation which  was  levied  upon  it  by  a legislature 
which  was  so  largely  composed  of  men  from  the 
northern  part  of  the  state.  The  southern  slav- 
ery agitators  took  every  advantage  of  this  senti- 
ment to  arouse  the  populace  against  the  existing 
government. 

Although  the  voice  of  the  majority  of  the  peo- 
ple of  the  state  was  loyal,  the  slavery  men  were 
in  a strong  position.  The  entire  Federal  patron- 
age throughout  the  administration  of  President 
Buchanan  had  been  in  their  hands.  General  Al- 
bert Sidney  Johnston  was  in  command  of  the  De- 
partment of  the  Pacific  and  so  had  control  of  the 
government  arms  and  ammunition.  He  and  Ed- 
mund Randolph,  a Virginian  who  was  practising 
law  in  San  Francisco,  formulated  a plan  to  issue 
a proclamation  of  neutrality  with  the  ultimate 
purpose  of  taking  California  out  of  the  Union. 
The  authorities  at  Washington  were  informed  of 
this  plot  and  sent  General  Edward  Sumner  to  suc- 
ceed Johnston.  The  latter  was  not  officially  noti- 
fied of  the  proposed  change  until  Sumner  pre- 
sented his  papers  and  demanded  possession  of  the 
office.  This  was  delivered  without  resistance  and 
the  scheme  was  defeated. 

Johnston  left  at  once  to  join  the  Confederates. 


The  Civil  War 


263 


He  took  with  him  a company  of  one  hundred  men 
from  Los  Angeles.  Winfield  Scott  Hancock  was 
then  in  command  at  that  point.  Because  of  his 
southern  connections  it  was  thought  that  he  might 
be  won  over  to  the  cause  of  slavery  and  Johnston 
exerted  his  influence  in  that  behalf.  Hancock 
was  not  to  be  won  over,  and  in  a striking  way 
demonstrated  his  loyalty.  Because  of  the  prev- 
alence of  Confederate  sentiment  it  was  deemed 
advisable  to  raise  the  Stars  and  Stripes  over  the 
Los  Angeles  court-house.  The  Confederates 
posted  notices  that  whoever  attempted  it  would  be 
shot  on  the  spot.  Hancock  did  it.  He  was  not 
shot. 

About  16,000  men  in  all  answered  the  Union’s 
call  upon  California  for  troops.  They  formed 
eight  regiments  of  infantry,  two  of  cavalry,  one 
battalion  of  native  California  cavalry,  and  one 
battalion  of  mountaineers.  While  these  volun- 
teers almost  without  exception  did  not  take  part 
in  any  of  the  battles  of  the  Civil  War,  they  per- 
formed a great  service  in  protecting  the  state  and 
thereby  allowing  the  regular  troops  to  take  their 
place  at  the  front.  Their  usefulness  was  shown 
when  they  promptly  quelled  a series  of  Indian 
outbreaks  in  the  northern  counties. 

There  were  skirmishes  in  Arizona  and  New 
Mexico,  where  troops  were  sent  to  drive  back 
the  Confederates  who  had  occupied  these  ter- 
ritories, and  open  the  mail  routes. 


264 


The  Story  of  California 


Many  of  the  men  from  California  who  went 
East  to  enlist  rose  to  high  positions  in  the  military 
councils  of  the  nation  and  became  important  fac- 
tors in  the  conduct  of  the  war.  Among  these  were 
William  T.  Sherman  and  Joseph  Hooker,  who 
came  to  be  known  as  “ Fighting  Joe.” 

The  breaking  out  of  the  war  brought  many 
changes  to  California.  The  cutting  off  of  the 
southern  mail  route  led  directly  to  the  completion 
of  the  telegraph  to  San  Francisco  in  October, 
1 86 1.  Congress  passed  the  long  hoped  for  Pa- 
cific railroad  bill.  The  state  became  for  the  time 
being  a Republican  instead  of  a Democratic  strong- 
hold. While  the  sanguine  expectations  of  some 
people  that  with  the  overthrow  of  the  southern 
chivalry  many  of  the  venalities  of  previous  legis- 
latures would  cease,  were  not  fulfilled,  still  every 
act  of  the  new  party  was  intensely  loyal. 

At  least,  every  act  but  one.  California’s  me- 
dium of  exchange  consisted  entirely  of  gold  and 
silver.  She  had  no  banks  of  issue  and  was  there- 
fore unfamiliar  with  bank  notes.  Hard  money 
she  knew  and  liked.  When  the  Federal  govern- 
ment passed  a law  making  its  greenbacks  legal 
tender  for  the  payment  of  debts,  California,  with 
all  her  loyalty,  could  not  go  that  far.  The  act 
worked  a great  injustice  in  the  state  enabling 
debtors  to  pay  their  debts  in  full  with  a currency 
which  was  depreciated  to  fifty  and  even  as  low  as 
forty  per  cent  of  its  face  value.  The  result  of 


The  Civil  War 


265 


the  agitation  which  ensued  was  the  passage  by  the 
legislature  of  the  so-called  “ specific  contract  act.” 
This  provided  that  a contract  when  drawn  could 
specify  the  kind  of  money  in  which  it  should  be 
paid  and  that  this  specification  should  be  consid- 
ered a part  of  the  contract  and  could  be  specifically 
enforced.  The  act  stood  the  test  of  the  courts 
and  was  declared  constitutional  by  the  highest 
tribunals  of  both  the  state  and  the  nation. 

The  unwavering  manner  in  which  the  loyalists 
had  handled  the  early  situation  in  not  allowing 
the  southern  sympathizers  to  secure  a foothold  in 
the  state,  had  saved  her  citizens  from  the  horrors 
of  internal  strife,  not  only  of  a warlike  but  even 
of  a riotous  nature.  This  enabled  those  already 
here  to  follow  their  peaceful  occupations  and  the 
development  of  the  state’s  resources  went  on  un- 
checked. Thousands  of  immigrants  flocked  in 
from  the  troubled  communities  of  the  East  to 
enjoy  peace  within  its  borders.  These  shared  in 
digging  from  California’s  mountains  and  streams 
the  precious  gold  which  was  to  make  the  success- 
ful conclusion  of  the  war  a possibility. 

Though  California  was  accused  of  disloyalty 
because  of  her  conduct  in  the  “ greenback  ” mat- 
ter, that  was  the  only  point  on  which  her  patriot- 
ism could  be  called  into  question.  No  draft  was 
ever  necessary,  for  the  number  of  her  volunteers 
always  far  exceeded  her  quota.  But  of  equal  if 
not  of  greater  importance  to  the  Union  were  Cali- 


266 


The  Story  of  California 

fornia’s  contributions  to  the  war  funds.  These 
contributions  were  of  enormous  amounts  and  were 
always  in  gold.  It  is  not  going  too  far  to  say,  for 
it  is  an  established  fact,  that  had  it  not  been  for 
California  gold  the  Union  must  have  fallen.  Both 
North  and  South  were  impoverished  by  the  strain 
of  the  struggle  and  it  was  California  gold  that 
turned  the  tide. 

When  it  became  known  that  the  ravages  of  dis- 
ease were  killing  more  Union  soldiers  than  the 
bullets  of  the  Confederates,  a “ sanitary  commis- 
sion ” was  organized  in  New  England,  which  was 
speedily  advocated  and  established  through  the 
Union.  This  commission  accomplished  tremen- 
dous good  in  saving  the  lives  of  Union  soldiers. 
It  was  supported  entirely  by  private  contributions. 
California  and  Oregon  together  supplied  over  one- 
third  of  its  expenses.  Thomas  Starr  King,  who 
had  become  recognized  as  one  of  the  greatest  of 
anti-slavery  orators,  took  the  lead  in  this  cause 
and  to  him  in  large  measure  is  due  the  credit  for 
its  splendid  success. 

California  gave  Lincoln  30,000  majority  for 
his  second  term,  and  at  the  news  of  his  assassina- 
tion a wave  of  sorrow  and  indignation  swept  over 
the  state.  Some  talked  rashly  of  retribution  and 
the  offices  of  several  newspapers  which  had  been 
southern  sympathizers  were  demolished.  But  the 
excitement  was  controlled  by  the  calmer  spirits 
before  more  serious  damage  was  done. 


The  Civil  War 


267 


California’s  share  in  saving  the  Union  was  al- 
together a large  one.  She  held  down  avowed  se- 
cession at  home;  she  guarded  her  borders  against 
invasion  and  put  down  Indian  uprisings ; she  fur- 
nished more  than  her  quota  of  troops;  her  war 
taxes  were  promptly  paid;  the  loyal  expressions  of 
her  legislature  were  a strong  moral  help.  Rebel- 
lion was  discouraged  by  a great  majority  of  her 
people,  and  the  dream  of  a Pacific  Republic  was 
nipped  in  the  bud.  But  greatest  of  all  she  poured 
forth  her  golden  flood  into  the  coffers  of  the  na- 
tion and  made  the  continuance  and  successful  con- 
clusion of  the  war  a financial  possibility. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

THE  PACIFIC  RAILROAD I 869 

TXURING  all  these  years  of  the  gold  rush,  the 
' struggle  for  order  within  her  own  borders, 
and  that  other  struggle,  far  away  yet  of  greatest 
moment,  California  was  separated  from  the  rest  of 
her  sister  states  of  the  Union  by  the  same  inac- 
cessible barriers  which  the  early  colonists  of  the 
forties  and  the  gold-seekers  of  the  fifties  were 
forced  to  cross  to  reach  their  goal.  The  traveler 
and  the  immigrant  must  either  cross  the  plains 
and  the  mountains,  take  the  dangerous  trip  across 
the  isthmus,  or  the  long  and  perilous  journey 
around  Cape  Horn.  It  took  six  weeks  for  news 
from  the  Atlantic  Coast  to  reach  San  Francisco. 

While  the  entire  state  was  thus  cut  off  from 
the  rest  of  the  Union,  the  various  sections  of  the 
state  were  themselves  more  or  less  isolated  from 
each  other.  In  many  regions  the  primitive  means 
of  communication  of  Mexican  days,  the  mule-train 
and  the  oxcart,  were  still  in  use.  Between  some 
of  the  principal  towns  stage  lines  had  been  estab- 
lished, but  the  service  was  very  irregular  and  un- 
satisfactory. About  the  old  stage  coach  days, 
however,  cluster  many  of  the  most  romantic  stories 
of  California  history. 


268 


The  Pacific  Railroad  269 

The  mail  service  was  extremely  irregular  and 
it  was  one  of  the  first  cares  of  the  United  States 
government  after  California  was  admitted  to  the 
Union  to  establish  a regular  mail.  But  even  after 
it  was  taken  in  hand  by  the  Federal  government, 
it  was  entirely  inadequate  for  several  years.  This 
was  due  to  the  attempt  on  the  part  of  those  in 
charge  to  pursue  the  eastern  policy  of  regulating 
expenditures  by  receipts.  It  was  absolutely  im- 
possible to  retain  postmasters  in  the  service  in 
California  during  the  gold  days  under  these  cir- 
cumstances, and  not  until  the  attempt  was  aban- 
doned in  1854  did  the  service  become  what  it 
should  be. 

The  first  of  the  Pacific  Mail  Steamship  Com- 
pany’s boats,  the  California,  arrived  at  San  Fran- 
cisco February  28,  1849.  On  March  31  of  the 
same  year  her  sister  ship,  the  Oregon,  arrived, 
bringing  as  a passenger  John  W.  Geary,  Califor- 
nia’s first  postmaster,  and  afterwards  mayor  of 
San  Francisco.  Geary  brought  with  him  the  first 
United  States  mail  for  California.  He  was  com- 
missioned to  establish  local  mail  routes  and  to  this 
task  he  immediately  turned  his  attention. 

The  Pacific  Mail  continued  to  be  the  only  of- 
ficial means  of  mail  communication  between  Cali- 
fornia and  the  East  until  1858.  This  line  of 
steamers  not  only  carried  the  mails  but  did  excel- 
lent service  in  bringing  immigrants  to  California 
from  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  during  the  gold 


270  The  Story  of  California 

rush.  The  first  improvement  in  the  mail  service 
upon  the  Panama  route  was  the  establishment  in 
1851  of  a private  courier  route  across  the  moun- 
tains by  the  California  Star,  then  one  of  San 
Francisco’s  leading  papers.  A few  couriers  had 
been  sent  even  earlier  than  that,  but  it  was  not 
until  1851  that  it  became  a regular  monthly  ser- 
vice. Mail  was  sent  to  Sacramento  by  boat  and 
from  there  to  Salt  Lake  City  by  express  rider. 

Telegraph  lines  came  to  assist  in  the  dissemi- 
nation of  intelligence  at  an  early  date.  The  first 
line  was  inaugurated  at  San  Francisco  in  1853.  It 
ran  between  the  city  and  the  entrance  of  the  bay 
and  was  used  for  signalling  the  arrival  of  ships. 
With  this  start,  the  telegraph  spread  rapidly.  Its 
advance  was  more  consistent  than  that  of  the 
mails. 

In  1859  the  famous  Pony  Express  was  estab- 
lished. This  was  the  conception  of  Alexander 
Majors.  It  was  formed  of  relays  of  horses  and 
riders,  one  of  whom  was  William  F.  Cody,  famous 
in  our  day  as  “ Buffalo  Bill.”  Indian  ponies  were 
used  and  the  posts  were  about  twenty-five  miles 
apart.  Each  rider  covered  from  one  hundred  to 
one  hundred  and  fifty  miles.  At  his  destination 
he  delivered  the  sack  to  the  next  man  who  carried 
it  on  without  a moment’s  delay.  The  horses  were 
kept  at  a dead  run  and  the  distance  from  Atchi- 
son to  Sacramento,  two  thousand  miles,  was  often 
covered  in  eight  days.  The  record  run  was  made 


The  Pacific  Railroad  271 

with  the  news  of  Lincoln’s  inaugural  in  five  days 
and  eighteen  hours.  Letters  and  newspapers  to 
be  delivered  by  Pony  Express  were  required  to  be 
written  and  printed  upon  tissue  paper,  and  the 
rate  was  five  dollars  an  ounce.  Even  at  this  the 
enterprise  did  not  pay  and  was  given  up.  One 
thing  that  it  did  do,  however,  was  to  demonstrate 
the  feasibility  of  a railroad  route  through  the 
Sierras  and  the  Rockies. 

Such  a railroad  had  been  suggested  as  far  back 
as  1832.  By  1838  the  idea  was  no  longer  a 
novelty,  but  ways  and  means  for  construction  and 
operation  were  freely  discussed.  Asa  Whitney 
first  brought  the  matter  to  the  attention  of  Con- 
gress in  1845.  No  action  was  taken  upon  it  at 
that  time,  but  Whitney’s  work  in  educating  the  peo- 
ple of  the  country  to  see  the  possibility,  feasibility, 
and  necessity  of  a Pacific  railroad  was  invaluable. 
Various  explorers,  of  whom  Fremont  is  the  best 
known,  had  found  passes  through  the  mountains, 
and  the  gold  hunters  of  1849-50  had  made  prac- 
tically all  of  them  known.  In  1853  three  routes 
were  actually  surveyed.  At  first  the  one  farthest 
north  was  generally  favored.  This  would  have 
opened  up  the  Oregon  country  but  by  the  time  ac- 
tion was  taken  the  influx  of  population  to  the 
California  gold  fields  had  established  the  preemi- 
nence of  San  Francisco,  and  the  direct  route  to 
that  city  was  the  only  one  considered. 

Before  this  condition  was  reached,  however, 


272  The  Story  of  California 

there  were  long  and  bitter  discussions  over  the 
question  of  route.  Like  everything  else  in  those 
days  the  railroad  became  entangled  in  the  slavery 
struggle.  The  northerners  wanted  a northern 
route  and  the  southerners  were  determined  to  have 
a southern  route.  Again,  as  soon  as  the  project 
became  clearly  defined,  local  interests  began  reach- 
ing for  local  benefits  on  the  question  of  route. 

In  1857  the  outlook  had  been  favorable  for 
action.  President  Buchanan  had  expressed  his 
strong  advocacy.  But  again  the  slavery  question 
overshadowed  the  railroad  and  no  action  was 
taken.  In  i860  both  political  parties  inserted 
planks  in  their  platforms  declaring  in  favor  of 
the  immediate  construction  of  the  Pacific  railroad. 
Various  subsidy  bills  were  introduced  in  Congress 
but  none  passed.  This  time  the  war  itself  inter- 
vened. While  it  halted  the  railroad  project  for 
a short  time,  it  insured  the  passage  of  the  neces- 
sary legislation  in  the  near  future,  for  it  crystal- 
lized the  already  existing  sentiment  that  it  was 
absolutely  necessary  to  connect  California  with 
the  other  states  of  the  Union  by  rail.  This  feel- 
ing was  strong  in  the  East  and  it  certainly  played 
a large  part  in  keeping  California  in  the  Union. 
All  of  her  people  knew  how  necessary  the  rail- 
road was  for  her  development,  and  if  the  Union 
was  destroyed  what  was  to  become  of  the  rail- 
road? 

In  September,  1859,  a great  railroad  convention 


The  Pacific  Railroad 


273 


was  held  In  San  Francisco.  Delegates  attended 
from  every  county  in  California,  and  from  Ore- 
gon and  Washington.  A resolution  favoring  the 
central  route  as  the  most  feasible  was  adopted. 
Theodore  D.  Judah  wras  the  chief  promoter  of 
this  meeting,  and  to  him  is  due  the  greatest  share 
of  the  credit  for  finally  accomplishing  the  great 
project.  He  was  a young  engineer  who  believed 
firmly  in  the  practicability  of  the  transcontinental 
railroad  scheme  and  devoted  his  life  to  making  it 
a reality. 

In  the  spring  of  1 8 6 1 he  called  a meeting  at 
Sacramento  for  the  further  consideration  of  the 
matter.  This  meeting  was  not  large  but  there 
were  four  men  there  who  became  deeply  inter- 
ested in  Judah’s  plans.  These  men  were  Leland 
Stanford,  Collis  P.  Huntington,  Mark  Hopkins, 
and  Charles  Crocker.  On  the  28th  of  June  the 
Central  Pacific  Railroad  Company  was  organ- 
ized with  Stanford  as  president. 

Neither  Stanford  nor  his  associates  were  rich 
men  but  all  were  strong  characters.  Stanford  was 
a leader  in  the  Republican  party  which  was  just 
then  coming  to  the  front  in  California.  His  po- 
sition as  governor  later  on  was  a great  help.  In 
his  earlier  years  he  had  practised  law  in  Wiscon- 
sin and  had  some  practical  knowledge  of  railroad 
building.  Huntington  was  a shrewd,  strong,  ac- 
tive business  man.  To  him  was  entrusted  the 
management  of  the  finances  of  the  Company. 


274  The  Story  of  California 

Crocker  was  a merchant  of  Sacramento.  He  was 
a tremendous  worker  and  a splendid  manager  of 
men.  Hopkins’  traits  were  less  marked  than  those 
of  his  associates,  but  he  seems  to  have  been  the 
embodiment  of  a sound  common  sense  which 
commanded  their  admiration. 

In  October,  Judah  left  for  Washington  to  work 
for  the  passage  of  a railroad  subsidy  bill.  Con- 
ditions were  far  from  being  ideal  for  such  a proj- 
ect from  a financial  point  of  view,  but  were  in 
the  best  possible  shape  from  a political  and  mili- 
tary standpoint.  Judah  met  Aaron  A.  Sargent, 
the  newly  elected  member  of  Congress  from  Cali- 
fornia, on  the  way  east  and  made  him  an  ardent 
supporter  of  the  railroad  cause.  Together  they 
moulded  the  bill  into  much  the  form  in  which  it 
finally  passed  and  received  the  executive  approval. 
Judah’s  work  in  securing  the  passage  of  this  bill 
was  of  incalculable  benefit.  A year  later  he  set 
out  for  Washington  again  to  ask  further  aid.  He 
was  stricken  with  fever  and  died  in  New  York. 
His  loss  was  a severe  one  to  his  fellow-workers, 
although  he  was  ably  succeeded  in  his  work  at  the 
national  capital  by  Huntington. 

The  law  which  was  passed  through  the  efforts 
of  Judah,  Huntington  and  Sargent  in  July,  1862, 
authorized  the  Union  Pacific  Railway  Company. 
Its  capital  stock  was  fixed  at  $100,000,000  and 
was  divided  into  shares  having  a par  value  of 
$1,000  each,  with  a provision  that  no  one  per- 


275 


The  Pacific  Railroad 

son  was  to  hold  more  than  200  shares.  In  return 
for  the  benefits  which  the  country  was  to  receive 
from  the  road,  it  was  given  five  alternate  sections 
of  land  per  mile  on  each  side  of  the  right  of  way, 
which  was  200  feet  wide.  No  mineral  lands  were 
included  in  this  grant,  and  all  of  the  lands  so 
granted  were  to  be  sold  within  three  years  after 
the  completion  of  the  road.  The  railroad  itself 
was  to  be  completed  within  twelve  years  from 
some  point  on  the  Missouri  River  to  connect  at 
or  near  the  California  boundary  with  a road  to 
be  constructed  by  the  Central  Pacific  Company. 
This  Company  was  chartered  by  the  state  of  Cali- 
fornia to  build  a railroad  from  Sacramento  east- 
ward to  the  Nevada  line.  In  addition  to  the  land 
grants  there  were  issued  thirty-year  United  States 
government  bonds  at  six  per  cent  to  the  amount 
of  $16,000  for  each  mile  of  the  road.  Certain 
portions  of  the  road  where  it  was  to  cross  the 
mountains  were  to  have  an  even  larger  subsidy. 
The  total  amount  of  bonds  issued  for  this  pur- 
pose was  $50,000,000. 

By  an  act  passed  two  years  later,  additional 
benefits  were  received.  A mode  of  procedure  for 
the  condemnation  of  private  property  was  estab- 
lished. The  par  value  of  the  shares  was  reduced 
from  $1,000  to  $100  each.  The  number  of  gov- 
ernment appointed  directors  on  the  board  was  in- 
creased and  the  time  for  completion  was  extended 


276 


The  Story  of  California 


one  year.  But  better  than  all  else  for  the  pro- 
moters, the  land  grant  was  doubled. 

The  advisability  of  this  enormous  government 
subsidy  has  been  upheld  on  various  grounds.  The 
road  was  a political  necessity;  it  was  a military 
necessity;  it  would  put  a stop  to  Indian  wars;  it 
would  furnish  a comparatively  inexpensive  means 
of  transportation  for  troops,  mails  and  supplies; 
and  most  important  of  all,  it  would  open  up  the 
great  West.  That  the  plan  was  right  fundamen- 
tally will  probably  be  conceded  even  today,  but 
that  in  the  laxity  of  its  details  it  opened  up  im- 
mense opportunities  for  robbery  is  evidenced  by 
the  nefarious  workings  of  the  Credit  Mobilier. 
This  was  one  of  the  greatest  scandals  in  the  politi- 
cal life  of  the  United  States  but  the  story  of  sordid 
dishonesty  does  not  belong  to  California  history. 
Suffice  it  to  say  that  the  men  who  were  called  upon 
to  spend  the  vast  sums  secured  through  govern- 
ment aid,  in  the  construction  of  the  Union  Pacific 
railroad,  coveted  these  moneys  and  formed  among 
their  own  number  the  Credit  Mobilier,  a con- 
struction company,  by  means  of  which  they 
could  pay  these  millions  of  dollars  to  themselves 
with  nobody’s  approval  but  their  own.  When  this 
attempt  at  legalized  piracy  came  to  light,  the 
names  of  many  of  the  country’s  most  prominent 
men  were  dragged  in  the  dust,  many  theretofore 
clean  characters  were  besmirched  and  even  some 
lives  had  to  pay  the  toll  of  shame. 


The  Pacific  Railroad  277 

When  the  actual  construction  of  the  railroad 
was  finally  commenced  there  soon  developed  a 
race  such  as  had  never  been  seen  before.  Tre- 
mendous powers  struggled  for  the  prize.  The 
Union  Pacific  wanted  to  build  its  road  as  far  west 
as  possible  and  the  Central  Pacific  was  equally 
desirous  to  lay  its  rails  as  far  to  the  eastward  as 
possible  before  the  two  should  meet.  The  strat- 
egy was  obvious.  The  greater  the  mileage  the 
greater  the  share  in  the  freight  rates.  In  each 
case  some  conditions  favored  and  some  greatly 
hampered  the  contestants.  The  Central  Pacific 
had  to  have  its  machinery  and  supplies  sent  around 
Cape  Horn  but  had  cheap  Chinese  labor.  The 
Union  Pacific  must  drag  its  materials  overland  or 
depend  upon  Missouri  River  boats.  Both  roads 
were  being  built  through  a new  and  uninhabited 
country,  most  of  it  a desert  where  both  food  and 
water  were  scarce.  Machine  shops  had  to  be 
established  as  the  construction  progressed.  The 
Central  Pacific  had  plenty  of  timber  but  its  right 
of  way  required  much  clearing  and  grading.  The 
Union  Pacific  had  for  the  most  part  to  traverse  a 
flat  country  where  little  grading  was  required  but 
had  no  timber  on  the  ground. 

The  rivalry  increased  as  the  ends  of  the  advanc- 
ing lines  approached  each  other.  Thousands  of 
Chinese  were  imported  for  the  Central  Pacific; 
Irish  and  European  immigrants  were  rushed  to 
the  work  on  the  Union.  At  one  time  about  25,000 


278 


The  Story  of  California 


men  were  engaged  in  construction  work.  At  the 
close  of  the  war  many  soldiers  joined  the  workers 
on  the  Union  Pacific.  This  helped  the  builders 
to  establish  a sort  of  military  discipline  which 
made  for  greater  efficiency.  Many  of  the  gangs 
could  go  through  a full  drill.  This  feature  was 
especially  appreciated  in  repelling  Indian  attacks. 
The  construction  work  on  the  Central  was  in 
charge  of  Crocker,  who  had  his  10,000  Chinese 
almost  as  thoroughly  trained.  In  the  spring  of 
1869,  when  the  rivalry  had  become  intense,  he  es- 
tablished a world’s  record  by  laying  ten  miles  of 
track  in  one  day. 

This  intense  rivalry  led  to  much  waste  labor. 
Each  road  had  its  graders  far  ahead  of  its  track 
gangs  and  when  the  tracks  finally  met  a way  was 
graded  for  each  road  several  miles  beyond  the 
junction  point.  But  this  was  a small  consideration 
when  on  April  28,  1869,  the  ends  of  the  tracks 
of  the  two  roads  were  joined  at  Promontory, 
Nevada.  An  immense  crowd  gathered  in  the  des- 
ert to  watch  the  ceremonies  accompanying  this 
notable  event.  Brass  bands  and  locomotive  whis- 
tles made  a din  which  awoke  new  echoes  from  the 
desert  silences.  Arizona  presented  a spike  of  gold, 
silver,  and  iron.  Nevada  presented  one  of  silver. 
The  last  spike  was  of  California  gold  and  was 
driven  into  a tie  of  California  laurel.  As  Leland 
Stanford  swung  the  sledge  on  this  golden  spike, 
each  stroke  was  sounded  by  telegraph  on  the  bell 


The  Pacific  Railroad  279 

of  the  City  Hall  in  San  Francisco.  The  news  was 
also  signalled  to  all  the  other  large  cities  of  the 
country.  The  rails  joined,  first  one  train  pulled 
across  the  junction  and  back,  and  then  one  from 
the  other  road  did  likewise.  The  great  Pacific 
railroad,  the  dream  of  Whitney  and  Judah,  was 
a reality. 

Enthusiasm  was  widespread,  for  the  importance 
of  the  event  was  felt  in  the  East  no  less  than  in  the 
West.  Bells  were  swung.  Buildings  and  ships 
were  decorated.  In  Omaha  one  hundred  guns 
were  fired  from  Capitol  Hill.  Great  public  dem- 
onstrations were  held  in  all  the  large  eastern  cities. 
But  while  the  excitement  was  great  in  the  East,  it 
was  nothing  there  compared  to  what  it  was  in 
California.  Here  the  people  fairly  went  wild. 
They  were  at  last  a real  part  of  the  United  States. 
Their  railroad  was  in  actual  operation.  The  At- 
lantic seaboard,  instead  of  being  three  or  four 
weeks  away,  was  but  little  more  than  a week.  And 
none  realized  better  than  they  that  while  the  At- 
lantic seaboard  was  but  a week’s  journey  from 
California,  that  also  meant  that  California  was 
but  a week’s  journey  from  the  Atlantic  seaboard. 

While  the  construction  of  the  great  transconti- 
nental road  was  progressing,  several  small  roads 
had  been  built  in  California.  The  first  of  these 
was  from  Sacramento  to  Folsom,  a distance  of 
twenty-two  miles.  It  was  known  as  the  Sacra- 
mento Valley  Railroad  and  was  opened  on  Feb- 


280 


The  Story  of  California 


ruary  22,  1856.  The  San  Francisco  and  San  Jose 
was  opened  between  those  two  cities  in  January 
of  1864.  These  local  lines  were  never  of  any 
great  importance  until  they  were  absorbed  by  and 
became  parts  of  the  great  system  which  was  to 
cover  the  state. 

In  1865  the  Southern  Pacific  Railway  Company 
was  incorporated  to  construct  a road  from  San 
Francisco  south  to  Los  Angeles  and  San  Diego, 
and  thence  easterly  to  the  state  line,  there  to  con- 
nect with  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  which  was  build- 
ing westward  from  Springfield,  Missouri,  by  way 
of  Albuquerque,  New  Mexico.  In  the  latter  sev- 
enties the  Southern  Pacific  completed  its  road 
from  Los  Angeles  to  Yuma,  Arizona.  But  in  the 
meantime  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  had  been  ab- 
sorbed by  the  Atchison,  Topeka,  and  Santa  Fe, 
which  was  trying  to  continue  its  own  road  through 
to  Los  Angeles.  This  move  was  bitterly  opposed 
by  the  Southern  Pacific  but  it  was  finally  accom- 
plished in  1883. 

The  next  year,  1884,  the  Southern  Pacific  Com- 
pany was  incorporated  under  the  laws  of  Ken- 
tucky, and  this  company  took  over  the  holdings 
of  both  the  Central  Pacific  Company  and  South- 
ern Pacific  Railway  Company.  It  also  rapidly 
absorbed  all  of  the  connecting  lines,  including 
finally  the  Union  Pacific  itself.  Since  that  time 
it  has  been  the  dominating  system  in  California 
and  the  other  western  states.  Its  only  rivals  are 


281 


The  Pacific  Railroad 

the  “ Santa  Fe,”  and  the  Western  Pacific  which 
reached  San  Francisco  in  1911.  The  decision  of 
the  United  States  Supreme  Court  rendered  in  De- 
cember, 1912,  ordering  the  dissolution  of  the 
Southern  Pacific-Union  Pacific  merger,  is  too  re- 
cent for  its  effect  to  be  even  surmised. 

From  its  very  inception  the  company  building 
and  owning  the  Central  Pacific  Railroad  had  been 
under  the  ban  of  public  distrust.  Hardly  a rail- 
road in  California  but  received  more  encourage- 
ment at  home  than  the  old  Central  Pacific.  In 
the  early  days  its  directors  were  bitterly  assailed 
through  fear  on  the  part  of  the  people  that  they 
would  be  unable  to  complete  their  task  and  in  the 
failure  would  shut  off  other  and  wealthier  com- 
panies from  the  benefit  of  government  aid.  As 
the  work  progressed  to  a successful  conclusion  this 
feeling,  of  course,  disappeared. 

The  political  influence  of  the  railroad  was  not 
at  first  a matter  of  public  concern.  At  that  time 
the  desire  for  the  road  excluded  any  protest 
against  other  matters  so  long  as  the  road  itself 
was  built.  Leland  Stanford,  while  he  was  presi- 
dent of  the  railroad  company,  was  elected  gov- 
ernor of  the  state  and  no  one  questioned  the 
propriety  of  the  situation.  While  in  that  high 
office  he  gave  the  executive  approval  to  no  less 
than  seven  bills  favoring  the  railroad.  Even  this 
does  not  seem  to  have  awakened  much  antago- 
nism. But  when,  by  clever  manipulation,  Stanford 


282 


The  Story  of  California 

was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  the  feel- 
ing became  widespread  that  the  railroad  was  tak- 
ing altogether  too  active  a part  in  the  politics  of 
the  state.  At  the  same  time  was  commenced  the 
agitation  in  California  for  the  election  of  United 
States  Senators  by  the  direct  vote  of  the  people. 

Throughout  its  history  the  men  at  the  head  of 
the  railroad  have  seemed  to  be  favored  by  For- 
tune at  every  turn,  but  it  must  also  be  said  that 
they  have  been  ever  alert  to  see  that  she  was  not 
under  the  necessity  of  proffering  her  favors  more 
than  once.  On  the  other  hand,  however,  they 
have  been  hampered  by  much  vexatious  litigation. 
This  has  been  instigated  both  by  private  parties 
and  by  public  officials.  It  is  overzealousness  on 
the  part  of  the  latter  and  possibly  a desire  to 
make  political  capital  out  of  their  actions,  that 
has  given  the  railroad  the  only  excuse  it  can  have 
for  being  in  politics,  that  it  is  necessary  to  its  self- 
preservation.  How  much  foundation  there  is  for 
this  excuse  the  future  history  of  the  state  must 
tell. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

THE  CHINESE 


IKE  every  other  nation  in  the  world,  the  Chi- 


nese Empire  was  represented  in  the  great  rush 
for  California  which  took  place  during  the  gold  ex- 
citement. At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1 849  there 
were  in  the  state  only  fifty-four  Chinamen.  At 
the  news  of  the  gold  discovery  a steady  immigra- 
tion commenced  which  continued  until  1876,  at 
which  time  the  Chinese  in  the  United  States  num- 
bered 151,000  of  whom  116,000  were  in  the 
state  of  California.  This  increase  in  their  num- 
bers, rapid  even  in  comparison  with  the  general 
increase  in  population,  was  largely  due  to  the  fact 
that  previous  to  the  year  1869  China  was  nearer 
to  the  shores  of  California  than  was  the  eastern 
portion  of  the  United  States.  Another  circum- 
stance which  contributed  to  the  heavy  influx  of 
Chinese  was  the  fact  that  the  news  of  the  gold 
discovery  found  southeastern  China  in  poverty 
and  ruin  caused  by  the  Taiping  rebellion.  Mas- 
ters of  vessels  made  the  most  of  this  coincidence 
of  favorable  circumstances.  They  distributed  in 
all  the  Chinese  ports,  placards,  maps  and  pam- 
phlets with  highly  colored  accounts  of  the  golden 
hills  of  California.  The  fever  spread  among  the 


284 


The  Story  of  California 


yellow  men  as  it  did  among  others,  and  the  ship- 
men  reaped  a harvest  from  passage  money. 

Probably  the  most  conspicuous  characteristic 
of  the  Chinese  is  their  passion  for  work.  The 
Chinaman  seemingly  must  work.  If  he  cannot 
secure  work  at  a high  wage  he  will  take  it  at  a 
low  wage,  but  he  is  a good  bargainer  for  his  labor 
and  only  needs  the  opportunity  to  ask  for  more 
pay.  This  is  true  of  the  whole  nation,  from  the 
lowest  to  the  highest.  They  lack  inventiveness 
and  initiative  but  have  an  enormous  capacity  for 
imitation.  With  proper  instruction  their  indus- 
trial adaptability  is  very  great.  They  learn  what 
they  are  shown  with  almost  incredible  facility,  and 
soon  become  adept. 

If  the  social  conditions  prevailing  in  California 
in  the  days  of  ’49  are  recalled,  it  is  not  difficult  to 
realize  how  welcome  were  the  Chinese  who  first 
came  to  the  country.  Here  were  men  who  would 
do  the  drudgery  of  life  at  a reasonable  wage  when 
every  other  man  had  but  one  idea  — to  work  at 
the  mines  for  gold.  Here  were  cooks,  laundry- 
men,  and  servants  ready  and  willing.  Just  what 
early  California  civilization  most  wanted  these 
men  could  and  would  supply. 

The  result  was  that  the  Chinaman  was  wel- 
comed; he  was  considered  quite  indispensable. 
He  was  in  demand  as  a laborer,  as  a carpenter, 
as  a cook;  the  restaurants  which  he  established 
were  well  patronized;  his  agricultural  endeavors 


\ 


The  Chinese 


285 


in  draining  and  tilling  the  rich  tule  lands  were 
praised.  Governor  McDougal  referred  to  him 
as  “ one  of  the  most  worthy  of  our  newly  adopted 
citizens.”  In  public  functions  he  was  given  a 
place  of  honor,  for  the  Californians  of  those  days 
appreciated  the  touch  of  color  which  he  gave  to 
the  life  of  the  country.  The  Chinese  took  a promi- 
nent part  in  the  parades  in  celebration  of  the  ad- 
mission of  the  state  to  the  Union.  The  Alta  Call- 
forma,  a San  Francisco  newspaper,  went  so  far 
as  to  say,  “ The  China  Boys  will  yet  vote  at  the 
same  polls,  study  at  the  same  schools,  and  bow 
at  the  same  altar  as  our  countrymen.”  Their 
cleanliness,  unobtrusiveness  and  industry  were 
everywhere  praised. 

The  Chinese  were  surely  in  a land  of  milk  and 
honey.  They  had  left  a land  of  war  and  starva- 
tion where  work  could  not  be  had  and  food  must 
be  begged  and  here  they  found  themselves  in  the 
midst  of  work  and  plenty.  They  were  everywhere 
welcomed  and  their  wages  were  such  that  they 
could  save  a substantial  part  to  send  back  to  the 
families  they  had  left  at  home  in  China;  or,  if 
they  did  not  wish  to  labor  for  masters,  they  could 
go  to  the  mines.  Here  they  could  take  an  old 
claim  which  had  been  abandoned  by  the  white 
miner  and  dig  from  it  gold  dust  which  to  them 
represented  wealth  untold.  They  were  careful 
not  to  antagonise  these  whites  by  prospecting 
ahead  of  them,  and  in  return  they  received  the 


286 


The  Story  of  California 

same  treatment  in  the  mining  districts  that  they 
had  met  with  in  San  Francisco. 

The  Chinaman  was  welcomed  as  long  as  the 
surface  gold  was  plentiful  enough  to  make  rich 
all  who  came.  But  that  happy  situation  was  not 
long  to  continue.  Thousands  of  Americans  came 
flocking  in  to  the  mines.  Rich  surface  claims  soon 
became  exhausted.  These  newcomers  did  not 
find  it  so  easy  as  their  predecessors  had  done  to 
amass  large  fortunes  in  a few  days.  California 
did  not  fulfil  the  promise  of  the  golden  tales  that 
had  been  told  of  her.  These  gold-seekers  were 
disappointed.  In  the  bitterness  of  their  disap- 
pointment they  turned  upon  the  men  of  other 
races  who  were  working  side  by  side  with  them 
and  accused  them  of  stealing  their  wealth.  They 
boldly  asserted  that  California’s  gold  belonged 
to  them.  The  cry  of  “ California  for  the  Ameri- 
cans ” was  raised  and  taken  up  on  all  sides. 

Within  a short  time  the  Frenchman,  the  Mexi- 
can and  the  Chileno  had  been  driven  out  and  the 
full  force  of  this  anti-foreign  persecution  fell  upon 
the  unfortunate  Chinaman.  From  the  beginning, 
though  well  received,  the  Chinese  had  been  a race 
apart.  Their  peculiar  dress  and  pigtail  marked 
them  off  from  the  rest  of  the  population.  Their 
camps  at  the  mines  were  always  apart  from  the 
main  camps  of  white  miners.  This  made  it  the 
easier  to  turn  upon  them  this  hatred  of  outsiders. 
With  the  great  inrush  of  gold-seekers  the  aban- 


The  Chinese 


287 


doned  claims  which  the  Chinese  had  been  work- 
ing, again  became  desirable  to  the  whites  and  the 
Chinese  were  driven  from  them  with  small  con- 
cern. Where  might  made  right  the  peaceable  Chi- 
naman had  little  chance. 

The  state  legislature  was  wholly  in  sympathy 
with  the  anti-foreign  movement,  and  as  early  as 
1850  passed  the  Foreign  Miners  License  law. 
This  imposed  a tax  of  twenty  dollars  a month  on 
all  foreign  miners.  Instead  of  bringing  into  the 
state  treasury  the  revenue  promised  by  its  fram- 
ers, this  law  had  the  effect  of  depopulating  some 
camps  and  of  seriously  injuring  all  of  them.  San 
Francisco  became  overrun  with  penniless  foreign- 
ers and  their  care  became  a serious  problem.  The 
law  was  conceded  to  be  a failure  and  was  repealed 
the  following  year. 

By  the  time  this  was  done,  however,  the  Chinese 
had  become  the  most  conspicuous  body  of  for- 
eigners in  the  country  and  therefore  had  to  bear 
the  brunt  of  the  attacks  upon  the  foreign  element. 
Governor  Bigler  suddenly  became  inspired  with 
the  realization  of  the  value  of  an  attack  upon 
them  as  a political  asset.  He  sent  a special  mes- 
sage to  the  legislature  in  which  he  charged  them 
with  being  contract  “ coolie  ” laborers,  avaricious, 
ignorant  of  moral  obligations,  incapable  of  being 
assimilated,  and  dangerous  to  the  public  welfare. 
The  result  was  a renewal  of  the  foreign  miners’ 
tax,  but  in  a milder  form  than  its  predecessor. 


288 


The  Story  of  California 

1 his  did  not  satisfy  the  miners,  who  were  at 
that  time  the  strongest  body  in  the  community, 
and  the  next  year  the  tax  was  again  made  pro- 
hibitive. 

But  it  was  not  only  the  miners  who  hated  the 
Chinese.  The  yield  of  the  placers  began  to  de- 
cline in  1853-4,  and  the  discovery  of  gold  in  Aus- 
tralia brought  on  a financial  panic  in  the  latter 
year.  Prices,  rents  and  values  fell  rapidly  and 
many  business  houses  failed.  There  were  strikes 
for  higher  wages  among  laborers  and  mechanics 
though  the  prevalent  rate  for  skilled  labor  was 
ten  dollars  per  day  and  for  unskilled  three  dol- 
lars and  a half.  Investors  became  alarmed  and 
withdrew  their  capital.  Thousands  of  unsuccess- 
ful miners  drifted  back  into  San  Francisco  and 
began  to  look  for  work  at  their  old  time  occupa- 
tions. The  labor  market  was  glutted  and  an 
enormous  number  were  out  of  work. 

To  these  unemployed  men  the  presence  of 
thousands  of  Chinese,  thrifty,  industrious,  cheap, 
and  above  all,  un-American,  was  obviously  the 
cause  of  their  plight.  The  cry  was  raised  that 
the  large  number  of  Chinese  in  the  country  tended 
to  injure  the  interests  of  the  working  classes  and 
to  degrade  labor.  It  was  claimed  that  they  de- 
prived white  men  of  positions  by  taking  lower 
wages  and  that  they  sent  their  savings  back  to 
China;  that  thus  they  were  human  leeches  suck- 
ing the  very  life-blood  of  this  country.  Whoever 


The  Chinese 


289 


came  to  their  defense  was  immediately  accused  of 
having  mercenary  motives  or  of  being  half-witted. 

The  “ coolie  ” fiction  of  Governor  Bigler  was 
seized  upon.  In  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth 
century  a pseudo-slave  trade  had  sprung  up  in 
transporting  Chinese  laborers  under  contract  to 
work  at  a certain  wage  for  a certain  period  to 
Cuba,  and  parts  of  South  America.  Such  labor- 
ers were  ignorantly  called  “ coolies  ” by  those 
who  were  not  familiar  with  the  Chinese  language. 
The  word  itself  comes  from  two  Chinese  words, 
“ koo  ” meaning  to  rent,  and  “ lee  ” meaning 
muscle.  The  coolies  are  those  who  rent  out  their 
muscles,  that  is,  unskilled  laborers.  In  the  four 
classes  of  China  they  rank  with  the  third,  being 
considered  a higher  class  than  the  merchants  but 
below  the  scholars  and  farmers.  The  word  in 
no  way  signifies  any  sort  of  bondage.  The  “ coo- 
lies ” are  perfectly  free  just  as  our  own  laborers 
are. 

The  Chinese  who  came  to  California  were 
largely  of  this  class  and  so  described  themselves 
on  their  arrival.  It  did  not  take  long  for  the 
anti-Chinese  agitators  to  define  a “ coolie  ” as  a 
contract  laborer  and  to  describe  how  he  was 
bound  to  a master  in  China  to  work  a certain 
number  of  years  at  a small  wage  and  how  this 
terrible  system  was  eating  the  very  vitals  out  of 
American  labor.  This  American  labor  about 
which  there  was  so  much  concern  was  almost 


290 


The  Story  of  California 

wholly  composed  of  Irish  and  other  European 
aliens  who  were  no  more  American  than  the 
Chinese.  But  they  had  a vote  in  prospect.  The 
Chinese  did  not. 

While  the  success  of  the  coolie  fiction  was 
largely  due  to  the  fact  that  there  were  so  many 
who  wanted  to  believe  it,  a number  of  circum- 
stances combined  to  give  it  greater  vitality.  Most 
of  the  business  transactions  of  the  Chinese  were 
done  through  their  benevolent  organizations  which 
came  to  be  locally  known  as  the  “ Six  Companies." 
The  Companies  often  contracted  for  large  bodies 
of  laborers  and  this  fact  led  the  unthinking  to 
conclude  that  these  laborers  were  under  contract 
with  the  Six  Companies  to  work  for  them  as  they 
should  direct.  This  was  not  the  true  situation. 
These  Companies  simply  acted  as  clearing-houses 
for  all  sorts  of  transactions  among  the  Chinese, 
as  they  had  found  that  they  could  handle  things 
in  a strange  land  more  satisfactorily  through  such 
associations  than  they  could  individually. 

Another  thing  which  strengthened  the  coolie 
fiction  was  the  manner  in  which  the  Chinese  were 
employed  on  the  construction  work  of  the  Central 
Pacific  Railroad.  Because  of  the  scarcity  of  labor 
the  men  in  charge  of  this  construction  work  had 
sent  an  agent  to  China  to  secure  Chinese  laborers. 
In  order  to  get  these  men  over  to  this  country, 
it  was  necessary  to  advance  their  passage-money 
and  other  expenses.  To  cover  this  loan  each 


The  Chinese 


291 


Chinaman  so  employed  signed  a promissory  note 
for  $75.  This  note  provided  for  monthly  instal- 
ment payments  running  over  a period  of  seven 
months  and  was  endorsed  by  friends  in  China. 
Each  laborer  was  guaranteed  a wage  of  $35  a 
month.  This  financial  arrangement  was  of  course 
seized  upon  and  made  much  of  by  the  anti-Chi- 
nese agitators  as  the  final  proof  of  “ coolieism.” 

The  belief  that  the  Chinese  were  contract  labor- 
ers was  one  of  those  unfortunate  errors  which 
sometimes  become  current  in  our  civic  life,  and 
by  frequent  repetition  receive  almost  universal  ac- 
ceptance. In  the  present  instance  this  phantom  of 
Chinese  slavery  became  so  thoroughly  a part  of 
the  political  life  of  the  Pacific  Coast  that  no  at- 
tempt was  made  to  reach  the  truth  of  the  matter. 
Every  man  in  public  life  was  under  so  binding 
a necessity  to  accept  the  popular  belief  in  regard 
to  the  Chinese  and  to  truckle  to  it  at  every  turn, 
that  for  one  to  seek  the  real  truth  of  the  matter 
was  to  end  forthwith  his  political  career. 

In  the  years  following  1854  this  unthinking, 
prejudiced,  anti-Chinese  movement  ran  riot.  Va- 
rious schemes  were  proposed  for  ridding  the 
country  of  the  Chinese  as  if  they  were  a pest. 
It  was  seriously  suggested  that  they  be  all  returned 
to  China,  but  as  this  would  have  involved  an  ex- 
pense of  about  seven  millions  of  dollars  and  ten 
or  a dozen  ships  for  every  vessel  that  was  avail- 
able, it  was  reluctantly  laid  aside.  This  scheme 


292 


The  Story  of  California 


failing,  it  was  asserted  that  they  could  at  least 
be  driven  from  the  mines.  But  as  this  would  have 
deprived  the  state  of  a large  revenue  from  licenses 
and  would  have  crowded  the  outcasts  in  still 
greater  numbers  to  the  cities  and  agricultural  dis- 
tricts, this  too  was  abandoned. 

Various  local  authorities  passed  legislation  in- 
tended to  harass  them.  Most  of  the  Chinese  were 
in  San  Francisco,  so  the  principal  efforts  were 
made  in  that  city.  The  famous  “ pig-tail  ordi- 
nance ” required  all  convicted  male  prisoners  to 
have  their  hair  cut  within  one  inch  of  their  heads. 
This  particular  piece  of  idiocy  was  vetoed  by  the 
mayor  but  others  almost  as  vicious  were  passed. 
Many  of  these  were  declared  unconstitutional  by 
the  courts,  but  even  the  courts  were  not  at  all 
times  consistent  friends  of  the  Chinaman.  The 
worst  blow  which  they  received  was  embodied  in 
a decision  given  by  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  state 
Supreme  Court.  There  was  a statute  on  the 
books  which  prohibited  “ negroes  and  Indians  ” 
from  testifying  against  a white  man  in  the  courts 
of  the  state.  The  court  held,  in  a brilliantly  logical 
opinion,  that  this  included  the  Chinese  for  the 
reason  that  in  the  days  of  Columbus  all  of  the 
countries  washed  by  Chinese  waters  had  been 
called  “ Indian.” 

During  the  Civil  War  other  issues  overshad- 
owed the  Chinese  question  and  the  Orientals  had 
a brief  respite.  But  in  1868  the  Burlingame 


The  Chinese 


293 


treaty  was  entered  into  between  the  United  States 
and  China.  It  provided  for  reciprocal  exemption 
from  persecution  on  account  of  religious  belief, 
the  privilege  of  schools  and  colleges,  and  in  fact 
it  agreed  that  every  Chinese  citizen  in  the  United 
States  should  have  every  privilege  which  was  ex- 
pected by  the  American  citizen  in  China.  Though 
naturalization  was  especially  excepted,  the  provi- 
sions of  this  treaty  aroused  a storm  of  antagonism 
on  the  Pacific  Coast.  The  labor  agitators  decried 
the  treaty  as  a betrayal  of  the  American  working- 
man, and  the  whole  Chinese  question  was  up 
again  in  more  violent  form  than  ever  before. 

The  panic  of  1873  and  its  ill  effects  brought 
the  matter  sharply  before  the  public  and  especially 
that  portion  of  it  that  was  out  of  work.  The  crisis 
was  averted  for  the  time,  however,  by  the  open- 
ing of  the  Consolidated  Virginia  mines  in  Nevada 
and  the  local  wave  of  prosperity  which  followed. 
But  in  1877  the  bottom  fell  out  of  the  whole  west- 
ern business  world  and  brought  back  the  old  agita- 
tion with  tenfold  violence.  It  was  made  worse 
by  the  always  apparent  fact  that  the  Chinese  were 
the  last  to  join  the  unemployed.  In  fact  they 
seldom  joined  at  all.  Gardening,  farming,  laun- 
dering, cooking  and  housework  were  almost  mo- 
nopolized by  them.  The  railroads  employed  thou- 
sands of  them  and  they  were  engaged  to  some 
extent  in  manufacturing. 

This  was  more  than  could  be  borne  by  the 


294 


The  Story  of  California 


much-oppressed  laboring  man,  who  claimed  that 
the  Chinese  were  robbing  him  of  his  bread  and, 
which  was  worse,  the  only  one  who  benefited  by 
their  labor  was  that  other  arch-enemy  of  the  la- 
boring man,  the  capitalist.  Something  must  be 
done.  The  courts  had  annulled  the  efforts  of 
their  municipal  authorities  and  legislatures  when 
these  had  tried  to  help  them;  Congress  had 
thrown  them  but  a stone;  the  treaty-making  power 
had  betrayed  them;  they  must  take  matters  into 
their  own  hands.  And  this  they  proceeded  to  do. 
Their  method  of  procedure  was  in  most  cases  to 
sack  and  burn  the  Chinese  laundries  and  other 
commercial  establishments  operated  by  the  Ori- 
entals. It  was  left  for  Los  Angeles  to  furnish  the 
most  terrible  example  of  all.  Here  nineteen 
Chinamen  were  hanged  and  shot  in  one  evening. 
The  massacre  was  accompanied  by  the  theft  of 
over  $40,000  worth  of  their  goods. 

It  was  in  the  south  in  fact  that  the  violent  op- 
position to  the  Chinese  had  first  found  strong 
supporters.  Here  were  many  who  were  accus- 
tomed to  assert  the  “ superiority  ” of  their  race 
and  to  attach  the  idea  of  servitude  to  all  inferior 
races.  To  work  at  all  was  well-nigh  intolerable, 
but  to  work  beside  a “ pig-tail  ’C  upon  whose 
wearer  even  the  wild  Indian  looked  down,  was 
too  abasing  to  be  borne.  From  these  southerners 
*his  feeling  rapidly  spread  among  the  immigrants 
from  the  poorer  countries  of  Europe,  who  at  home 


The  Chinese 


295 


were  in  a position  almost  of  servitude.  Arrived 
in  this  country  and  endowed  with  the  rights  of 
citizenship,  for  which  they  are  utterly  unfitted, 
they  immediately  seek  to  raise  themselves  higher 
in  their  own  estimation  by  trampling  underfoot 
the  rights  of  others. 

But,  beside  these  prejudices  due  to  race-feeling 
and  ignorance,  there  were  real  causes  of  discon- 
tent against  the  Chinese.  They  were  not  given 
to  sexual  immorality  themselves  but  some  of 
them  engaged  in  the  business  of  importing  women 
whom  they  would  prostitute  to  others  for  gain. 
Gambling  was  an  all-prevalent  vice.  These  two 
features  of  the  Chinese  situation  received  far  more 
emphasis  even  among  thoughtful  people  than 
should  have  been  given  to  them.  This  came  about 
because  of  the  practice  of  “ seeing  Chinatown,” 
which  like  u seeing  the  world  ” too  often  meant 
seeing  the  worst  possible  side  of  it.  The  propor- 
tion of  prostitutes  among  the  Chinese  was  little 
If  any  higher  than  among  the  other  races  in  Cali- 
fornia at  the  time,  but  much  publicity  spread  the 
idea  of  great  numbers.  Gambling,  too,  while  very 
generally  indulged  in  by  the  Chinese,  was  never 
among  themselves  the  vice  which  was  made  of  it 
by  the  Americans  who  frequented  the  Chinese 
houses.  The  Chinaman  gambled  for  smart  stakes 
as  an  amusement  and  never  to  his  own  destruction. 
But  while  gambling  and  immorality  have  been 
over-emphasized,  one  charge  remains  against  them 


296  The  Story  of  California 

in  all  its  original  strength.  The  Chinese  quarter 
was  very  unclean.  Their  cleanly  persons  and 
spotless  linen  were  in  strange  contrast  to  their 
filthy  homes,  overrun  as  they  were  with  rats  and 
other  vermin. 

Evil  as  were  these  characteristics  of  the  Chi- 
nese, they  were  never  a sufficient  excuse  for  the 
outrages  that  were  perpetrated  upon  them.  These 
bore  no  relation  to  the  real  grievances,  but  were 
in  a large  measure  the  unreasoning  acts  of  irre- 
sponsible men  who  were  for  the  most  part  aliens 
themselves.  Calmly  handled,  the  Chinese  ques- 
tion never  would  have  caused  a disturbance  in 
California.  In  connection  with  a violent  race- 
hatred, it  kept  the  state  in  turmoil  for  the  first 
thirty  years  of  its  existence.  Even  today  it  oc- 
casionally recurs  to  furnish  capital  for  politicians 
who  are  unable  to  find  any  other  issue.  Of  late 
years,  however,  it  has  been  very  largely  super- 
seded in  this  role  by  the  Japanese  question. 


CHAPTER  XXV 


KEARNEY  AND  KEARNEYISM 
HE  commercial  depression  which  began  in  the 


eastern  states  in  1873,  was  most  severely  felt 
in  California  in  1876.  Its  effect  was  aggravated 
here  by  an  accompanying  tremendous  fall  in  the 
value  of  mining  stocks.  Everybody  in  California, 
from  the  richest  to  the  poorest,  speculated  in  min- 
ing stocks.  All  the  savings  of  a great  majority  of 
the  people  went  into  this  form  of  gambling.  With 
the  crash  which  brought  the  prices  of  all  stocks 
tumbling  down  to  nothing,  came  financial  straits 
for  many  thousands  of  families.  This  was  true 
not  only  of  the  poorer  classes  but  even  in  the  mid- 
dle class  the  pinch  of  want  was  felt.  Work  was 
very  scarce  and  the  great  number  of  the  unem- 
ployed were  not  only  in  dire  straits  themselves 
but  their  presence  served  to  lower  wages  for  those 
who  were  at  work. 

While  the  large  majority  of  the  people  of  the 
state  were  in  the  grip  of  this  commercial  depres- 
sion there  were  a number  of  men  in  San  Fran- 
cisco who  either  in  mining  or  railroad  building 
had  amassed  enormous  fortunes.  These  million- 
aires boasted  their  luxury  and  elegance  and  the 
newspapers  were  filled  with  stories  of  their  ex- 


297 


298 


The  Story  of  California 


travagances.  The  unemployed  workingmen  of 
San  Francisco,  whose  numbers  were  daily  aug- 
mented by  disappointed  and  penniless  miners  re- 
turning from  the  mines,  contemplated  from  their 
hovels  of  starvation  the  gaudy  palaces  which  had 
been  erected  by  these  men  who,  a few  years  be- 
fore, had  been  no  better  off  than  themselves. 

The  hatred  of  the  unemployed  for  these  sons 
of  fortune  was  increased  tenfold  by  the  fact  that 
Chinese  were  very  generally  employed  by  them 
as  servants  and  laborers.  The  masses  of  the 
proletariat,  made  up  largely  of  foreigners  of  lit- 
tle intelligence,  saw  in  this  situation  convincing 
evidence  of  a conspiracy  to  deprive  them  of  work 
and  to  starve  them  to  death.  To  them  the  com- 
mercial depression,  the  financial  panic,  the  changed 
labor  situation,  meant  nothing.  All  they  could 
comprehend  was  that  one  man  had  more  than  he 
could  possibly  need  while  another  went  hungry. 
They  turned  to  the  lawmakers,  but  there  came  no 
relief  from  that  direction.  Neither  political  party 
gave  promise  of  substantial  improvement  of  their 
condition. 

In  this  sorry  state  the  homeless  thousands  of 
California  decided  that  they  must  take  matters 
into  their  own  hands  and  do  something  themselves 
to  better  conditions.  The  time  was  ripe  for  a 
demagogue  and  none  of  the  kind  ever  had  a place 
more  splendidly  prepared  for  him.  Nature  ab- 
hors a vacuum  in  politics  as  in  physics  and  the 


299 


Kearney  and  Kearney  ism 

place  was  promptly  filled.  There  were  many  agi- 
tators to  stir  up  the  crowds  but  the  prince  of  them 
all  was  Denis  Kearney. 

Kearney  had  been  at  one  time  a sailor  but  at 
the  time  of  his  elevation  to  the  leadership  of  the 
unemployed  was  a drayman.  He  was  an  Irish- 
man and  had  some  of  the  native  eloquence  which 
is  characteristic  of  that  race.  This  he  had  de- 
veloped by  a course  of  training  at  a Sunday  de- 
bating club  called  the  “ Lyceum  of  Self-Culture.” 
He  had  been  of  good  reputation  until  he  lost  his 
savings  in  stock  speculation,  when  he  turned  to 
political  agitation.  He  became  a demagogue  of 
a common  type,  blatant  and  confident,  but  with- 
out political  ability  or  constructive  talent. 

The  Kearney  agitation  reached  its  height  in 
1877.  Meetings  of  trade  union  men  were  called 
to  express  sympathy  with  the  strikers  of  Penn- 
sylvania. At  that  time  there  were  in  San  Fran- 
cisco twenty-five  unions  comprising  3,500  men. 
Large  numbers  of  these  attended  the  meetings 
which  wTere  held  on  the  vacant  sand  lots  near  the 
city  hall.  These  men  had  real  grievances  which 
were  enlarged  upon  with  much  oratorical  skill  by 
the  speakers  who  fanned  the  flames  of  discontent. 
The  excitement  increased  until  the  language  of 
the  demagogues  became  so  violent  that  the  busi- 
ness men  formed  a committee  of  safety.  This 
new  “ vigilance  committee,”  which  like  its  prede- 
cessors wras  under  the  leadership  of  the  redoubt- 


300 


The  Story  of  California 

able  Coleman,  was  known  as  the  “ Pick-handle 
Brigade  ” from  the  weapons  which  it  chose  as 
the  most  effective  for  overcoming  the  efforts  of 
the  sandlotters.  They  rendered  good  service  in 
preventing  the  burning  of  residences  on  Nob  Hill 
and  the  destruction  of  the  wharves  of  the  Pacific 
Steamship  Company,  two  outrages  attempted  by 
the  rioters. 

Denis  Kearney  forced  himself  to  the  front  and 
aired  his  oratorical  abilities  at  these  sand-lot  meet- 
ings. His  earnestness  caught  the  crowd  and  he 
soon  became  a popular  idol.  As  he  began  to  feel 
his  power  he  became  more  and  more  violent.  He 
urged  every  workingman  to  add  a musket  to  his 
equipment  and  suggested  that  a little  judicious 
hanging  of  capitalists  would  be  in  order.  But 
his  loud  mouthings  were  confined  to  generalities 
and  he  never  countenanced  any  specific  act  of  vio- 
lence. Vituperation  was  his  forte,  not  accom- 
plishment. 

The  audiences  which  at  first  cheered  his  ef- 
forts were  largely  composed  of  vagabonds.  But 
the  San  Francisco  Chronicle,  seeing  an  opportu- 
nity to  increase  its  circulation  and  influence,  began 
to  print  sensational  reports  of  the  sand-lot  meet- 
ings and  took  up  Kearney’s  cause.  Not  to  be 
outdone  by  its  rival,  the  Call,  the  other  large  San 
Francisco  paper,  hastened  to  follow  the  Chron- 
icle’s example.  So  Kearney  suddenly  found  him- 
self substantially  backed  by  the  influential  press 


Kearney  and  Kearneyism  301 

of  the  city.  The  attendance  at  the  sand-lot  meet- 
ings increased.  Ward  clubs  were  formed.  Ora- 
tors drew  rosy  pictures  of  the  splendid  condition 
of  the  workingman  that  was  to  be  in  the  near 
future.  The  infection  spread.  Ignorant  loafers 
revelled  in  visions  of  themselves  enjoying  all  the 
comforts  of  the  millionaires  and  some  other  re- 
finements which  their  own  taste  demanded. 

Kearney  continued  to  lead  this  agitation  and 
finally  succeeded  in  raising  sufficient  commotion  to 
get  himself  arrested  and  thrown  into  jail.  He  was 
then  a “ glorious  martyr  ” and  the  thought  of 
being  of  enough  importance  to  be  kept  under 
guard  filled  him  with  joy.  But  he  denied  many 
of  his  preachings  when  brought  to  trial  and  re- 
tracted others.  He  was  acquitted  and  freed.  The 
incident  greatly  increased  his  following.  On 
Thanksgiving  day  over  7,000  men  marched  to 
the  sand  lot  in  a grand  parade  in  his  honor.  The 
day’s  proceedings  closed  with  a resolution  to  wind 
up  the  national  banks  and  the  crowd  dispersed. 

The  immediate  result  of  Kearney’s  agitation 
was  the  formation  of  the  Workingmen’s  Party  of 
California.  J.  G.  Day  was  elected  president  and 
Kearney  secretary.  The  infant  party  had  been  in 
existence  but  a week  when  it  was  divided  into 
hostile  factions.  A reorganization  took  place  and 
Kearney  was  later  elected  its  president,  while  Day 
was  relegated  to  the  office  of  vice-president.  Like 


302 


The  Story  of  California 


all  other  political  parties  this  one  began  to  pass 
resolutions  and  to  make  platforms. 

Its  demands  were  numerous.  The  first  was  that 
all  workingmen  unite  against  the  encroachments  of 
capital.  They  would  then  wrest  the  government 
from  the  control  of  the  rich  and  place  it  in  the 
hands  of  the  people.  They  would  rid  the  country 
of  the  Chinese  because  their  presence  tended  to 
degrade  labor  and  aggrandize  capital.  They 
would  destroy  land  monopoly.  They  would  de- 
stroy great  riches  by  taxing  them  out  of  existence. 
They  would  elect  none  but  competent  working- 
men and  their  friends  to  any  office  whatever,  be- 
cause “ our  shoddy  aristocrats  want  an  emperor 
and  a standing  army  to  shoot  down  the  people.” 
The  new  party  would  encourage  no  riot  to  attain 
their  ends,  but  if  riot  was  started  they  would  not 
volunteer  to  repress  it.  Let  those  who  had  made 
it  necessary  suppress  it  themselves. 

These  are  fair  samples  of  the  numerous  de- 
mands made  by  the  Workingmen’s  Party.  The 
same  theme  of  oppression  by  the  rich  and  salva- 
tion by  the  exaltation  of  the  poor  was  played  upon 
with  all  the  variations  possible  in  the  speech  of 
ignorant  demagogues.  In  all  that  they  or  the  new 
party  did  there  was  nothing  substantial  or  con- 
structive, but  it  all  served  to  keep  Kearney  and 
his  confreres  on  the  pinnacle  of  popularity. 

His  fervor  again  brought  him  under  the  care 
of  the  city  authorities.  But  incarceration  helped 


Kearney  and  Kearneyism  303 

more  than  it  hurt  him.  He  was  again  released 
and  received  as  a hero  by  his  followers.  He  was 
crowned  with  flowers.  His  influence  spread  rap- 
idly wherever  there  was  a sufficient  number  of  the 
unemployed  to  form  a meeting.  These  groups 
were  formed  into  clubs  of  the  Workingmen’s 
Party.  Kearney,  encouraged  by  this  outside  sup- 
port, started  out  to  stump  the  state  for  the  pur- 
pose of  making  converts.  His  expenses  were  paid 
by  collections  taken  up  at  the  sand-lot  meetings. 
In  the  towns  large  numbers  flocked  to  hear  him 
but  he  met  with  scant  encouragement  from  the 
farmers.  The  discontented  everywhere  joined  the 
new  party.  Newspapers  gave  the  movement 
force.  Anti-Chinese  sentiment,  carefully  played 
upon,  augmented  it.  The  Republicans,  noting 
that  its  members  were  drawn  largely  from  the 
ranks  of  the  Democratic  party,  covertly  encour- 
aged the  movement. 

On  his  return  to  San  Francisco,  Kearney  be- 
came intoxicated  with  his  power  and  assumed 
the  air  of  a potentate.  He  became  wilder  than 
ever  and  his  violent  threats  of  terrorism  and 
dynamiting  resulted  in  his  frequent  arrest.  The 
political  power  of  the  Workingmen’s  Party  began 
to  be  felt.  With  the  coming  of  this  actual  power 
in  the  state,  however,  came  the  seeds  of  discord 
which  led  to  Kearney’s  downfall.  Accusations 
were  spread  abroad  that  he  had  been  bribed  in 
the  interests  of  the  railroad  and  the  banks.  He 


304 


The  Story  of  California 


was  also  charged  with  misappropriating  the  funds 
of  his  party.  There  was  probably  no  foundation 
for  these  charges  but  they  were  enough  to  break 
Kearney’s  hold  on  the  people.  He  was  deposed 
from  his  office  of  president.  His  popularity  rap- 
idly declined.  The  crowds  tired  of  his  empty  ha- 
rangues, and  the  lack  of  definite  results. 

In  1878  Kearney  went  East  to  take  part  in  the 
labor  troubles  in  that  end  of  the  country.  He 
felt  that  there  his  aid  would  be  appreciated.  But 
such  was  not  the  case.  He  met  with  no  success 
and  after  three  years  of  effort  returned  to  Cali- 
fornia where  he  was  considered  as  a spent  rocket. 
His  popularity  was  gone.  He  had  no  political  in- 
fluence. Nowhere  could  he  break  in  to  a position 
of  prominence  or  power.  Without  power  his 
character  led  him  from  bad  to  worse  and  for 
sometime  before  he  died  he  was  confined  to  the 
house  of  correction  in  San  Francisco. 

There  was  but  one  tangible  result  of  all  the 
agitation  and  resolving  of  the  Workingmen’s 
Party.  For  many  years  there  had  been  a growing 
sentiment  in  the  state  in  favor  of  a new  constitu- 
tion. The  leaders  of  the  Kearney  party  repeatedly 
demanded  that  a new  instrument  should  be  drawn. 
Their  idea  was  to  make  it  of  such  a type  that  the 
Workingmen’s  Party  could  use  it  at  all  points  in 
their  efforts  to  “ cinch  ” capital.  While  this 
was  not  the  sentiment  of  the  majority  of  the  peo- 


Kearney  and  Kearneyism  305 

pie  of  the  state,  the  repeated  demands  served  to 
crystallize  the  matter  and  the  legislature  called 
for  a constitutional  convention  to  be  held  in  Sep- 
tember of  1878. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 

THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  1 879 


HE  inadequacy  of  the  constitution  of  1849  and 


the  laws  enacted  thereunder  had  long  been 
recognized  by  the  people  of  California.  All  the 
old  constitution  contained  concerning  the  taxing 
power  was  embraced  in  four  lines.  It  left  the 
legislature  free  to  levy  any  tax  as  it  saw  fit.  This 
freedom  had  been  extensively  taken  advantage 
of  with  grave  results.  Also  there  was  no  restric- 
tion on  the  financial  operations  of  the  legislature. 
This  led  to  the  borrowing  of  large  sums  from  one 
fund  to  squander  in  another.  There  was  no  re- 
striction on  salaries  or  fees  and  consequently  both 
were  far  too  large.  The  public  domain  was  left 
entirely  at  the  disposal  of  the  legislature.  The 
apportionment  of  representation  was  very  faulty, 
some  of  the  newer  counties  having  no  representa- 
tives at  all.  The  governor  was  unrestricted  in 
the  use  of  the  pardoning  power.  All  of  the  evil 
conditions  possible  under  such  a lax  system  as  this 
prevailed  to  an  alarming  extent. 

In  1868  the  legislature  created  a Code  Com- 
mission to  codify  the  laws.  Their  work  was  pre- 
sented in  four  divisions  — Political  Code,  Civil 
Code,  Code  of  Civil  Procedure,  and  Penal  Code. 


306 


The  Constitution  of  1870 


307 


These  codes  were  adopted  and  went  into  force 
in  March,  1872.  The  cost  of  this  undertaking  was 
about  $50,000,  but  it  was  one  of  the  best  invest- 
ments the  state  ever  made.  This  system  of  law 
is  still  the  law  of  the  state  though  it  has  been  con- 
tinually amended  to  meet  changing  conditions  and 
the  discovery  of  defects  and  inadequacies. 

In  addition  to  the  adoption  of  the  codes,  the 
legislature  had  four  times  recommended  to  the 
people  the  drafting  of  a new  constitution,  but 
the  idea  had  been  rejected  at  the  polls.  By  the 
time  Kearney  had  achieved  his  prominence,  how- 
ever, the  conviction  was  generally  entertained  that 
California  needed  a constitution  specially  adapted 
to  her  needs.  Kearney  and  his  fellow-agitators 
artfully  dwelt  upon  what  they  claimed  to  be  the 
fact  that  of  the  850,000  people  living  in  the  state, 
150,000  were  living  in  comparative  affluence,  while 
the  other  700,000  were  struggling  for  existence. 
They  saw  hopes  not  only  of  changing  the  tax  laws 
and  other  statutes  to  which  they  objected,  but 
also  of  political  preferment  for  themselves  if  the 
constitution  were  revised.  The  result  was  that  in 
1877  an  overwhelming  majority  declared  for  a 
new  constitution,  and  the  convention  which  was 
to  frame  the  new  instrument  was  called  for  the 
fall  of  1878.  The  Kearneyites  looked  upon  this 
as  a step  toward  the  abolishment  of  all  their  ills. 

The  convention  met  in  the  Assembly  room  of 
the  Capitol  at  Sacramento  and  was  called  to  order 


308 


The  Story  of  California 


on  September  28,  1878.  The  total  number  of 
delegates  was  152.  Of  these  the  Workingmen’s 
Party  had  elected  forty-nine.  Almost  half  (74) 
of  the  members  were  elected  on  a non-partisan 
ticket,  while  the  Republicans  and  Democrats  were 
represented  by  ten  men  each.  The  workingmen 
with  the  farmers  had  a clear  majority  of  the  votes 
but  they  had  not  a great  allowance  of  brains. 
There  were  sixty  lawyers  in  the  convention,  and 
the  ultra-conservatism  of  their  training  served  to 
balance  to  some  extent  the  radicalism  of  the  anti- 
capitalistic  element. 

The  wild  follies  which  would  have  been  per- 
petrated in  the  name  of  law  by  this  element,  had 
it  not  been  for  the  presence  of  a conservative 
force,  can  only  be  surmised,  but  we  have  a list  of 
the  propositions  submitted  by  some  of  its  members 
and  they  are  an  indication  of  what  might  have 
been.  Foremost  among  these  were  anti-Chinese 
measures  and  many  of  them  were  adopted  though 
afterward  held  to  be  at  variance  with  the  con- 
stitution and  treaties  of  the  United  States.  In 
addition  to  those  adopted  it  was  proposed  to  pro- 
hibit any  Chinese  to  trade  or  peddle  or  carry  on 
any  mercantile  business.  Also  anyone  who  had 
employed  a Chinaman  or  bought  anything  of  them 
within  the  preceding  ninety  days  was  to  be  de- 
prived of  his  vote  and  the  use  of  the  courts.  A 
“ perfect  ” eight  hour  law  and  a “ perfect  ” lien 
law  were  twin  proposals  whose  “ perfection  ” did 


The  Constitution' of  1879 


309 


not  win  for  them  the  consideration  which  those 
who  drafted  them  thought  they  deserved.  An- 
other suggestion  was  to  abolish  the  militia  as  “ all 
fuss  and  feathers.”  One  man  introduced  a pro- 
vision for  making  allegiance  to  God  and  the  state 
one. 

Though  these  absurdities  were  avoided,  the 
constitution  as  it  was  finally  submitted  to  the  peo- 
ple was  a unique  instrument.  It  contained  many 
new  and  wholly  untried  provisions.  The  princi- 
pal criticism  directed  against  it,  however,  was  that 
it  was  a code  of  laws,  and  not  a constitution.  This 
was  in  a measure  true.  It  was  three  times  as  long 
as  the  constitution  of  1849  and  contained  many 
provisions  whose  place  was  more  properly  in  the 
statute  books.  There  were  two  objects  in  this. 
One  was  to  remove  certain  parts  of  the  govern- 
mental process  from  the  control  of  the  legislative 
whim;  the  other  to  protect  labor  against  capital. 

The  work  of  the  convention  was  completed  on 
March  3,  1879,  and  the  result  of  its  labors  was 
submitted  for  the  approval  of  the  people  on  May 
7 of  that  year.  Capital,  as  represented  by  all 
the  moneyed  interests,  opposed  its  adoption, 
threatening  all  kinds  of  dire  evil  to  come  in  its 
wake.  All  of  the  stock  objections  of  the  so-called 
“ stand-pat  ” element  of  society  were  urged 
against  it.  Some  of  them  were  in  this  case  justi- 
fiable but  the  greater  part  of  them,  as  usual,  were 
overdrawn.  The  really  objectionable  features 


310 


The  Story  of  California 

had  been  allowed  to  go  into  the  instrument  by  the 
conservative  members  of  the  convention  in  the 
hope  that  they  would  defeat  the  entire  constitu- 
tion; but  in  this  they  were  wrong.  The  new  con- 
stitution was  adopted  by  a vote  of  approximately 
78,000  as  against  67,000  who  were  opposed  to  it. 

A strange  feature  of  the  vote  was  that,  though 
the  instrument  had  been  to  a large  extent  drawn 
by  the  representatives  of  the  laboring  party,  and 
was  supposed  to  embody  their  ideas,  it  was  re- 
jected by  nearly  1,600  votes,  in  San  Francisco, 
where  that  party  was  in  control.  This  adverse 
majority  was  overcome  by  the  strong  granger  or 
farmer  vote  in  its  favor.  The  support  of  the 
agricultural  classes  was  won  because  of  their  be- 
lief that  it  would  lighten  their  burdens  of  tax- 
ation. 

The  new  organic  law  became  effective  on  Jan- 
uary 1,  1880,  and  as  it  is  still  the  fundamental 
law  of  the  state  it  may  be  briefly  summarized  here. 
It  opens  with  a somewhat  lengthy  bill  of  rights. 
This  guarantees  the  protection  of  life,  liberty, 
the  pursuit  of  happiness,  religious  freedom,  trial 
by  jury,  free  speech,  the  right  of  public  assembly, 
speedy  trial  for  those  accused  of  crime,  freedom 
from  arrest  for  debt  except  in  case  of  fraud,  and 
that  there  shall  be  no  property  qualification  for 
any  person  to  vote  or  hold  office. 

The  legislature  is  divided  into  two  houses,  the 
senate  with  forty  members  and  the  assembly  with 


1'he  Constitution  of  1879 


311 


eighty.  The  former  are  elected  for  a four  year 
term  and  the  latter  for  two  years.  The  powers 
of  this  body  are  carefully  circumscribed.  The 
state  can  issue  bonds  for  any  substantial  sum  only 
by  vote  of  the  people.  The  manner  in  which  ap- 
propriations can  be  made  is  given  in  detail,  in 
order  that  the  extravagance  of  former  legislatures 
may  be  avoided.  Express  directions  are  given  to 
the  legislature  to  pass  laws  for  the  limitation  and 
regulation  of  charges  for  services  performed  by 
public  service  corporations.  Lobbying  is  made 
a felony.  Members  of  the  legislature  receive  a 
salary  of  one  thousand  dollars  for  each  regular 
session,  ten  dollars  a day  for  extra  sessions,  and 
mileage  not  to  exceed  ten  cents  a mile. 

The  term  of  office  of  the  governor  of  the  state 
is  four  years.  He  must  have  been  a resident  of 
California  for  at  least  five  years  preceding  his 
election.  His  powers  are  those  usually  exercised 
by  governors  of  the  states  of  the  United  States. 
He  cannot,  during  his  term  of  office,  be  elected 
a Senator  of  the  United  States.  Other  officers  of 
the  executive  department,  elected  by  the  people, 
are  a Lieutenant-governor,  Secretary  of  State, 
Controller,  Treasurer,  Attorney-general  and  Sur- 
veyor-general. 

The  judicial  power  of  the  state  is  vested  in  the 
senate  sitting  as  a court  of  impeachment,  a su- 
preme court  of  seven  members,  three  district  courts 
of  appeal  consisting  of  three  judges  each,  superior 


312 


The  Story  of  California 

courts  of  general  jurisdiction  in  each  county,  and 
justices  of  the  peace  in  each  township.  These  are 
supplemented  by  the  police  courts  of  the  large 
cities,  the  recorders’  courts  of  the  small  towns, 
and  by  the  township  courts  into  which  the  justices’ 
courts  in  the  large  cities  have  been  organized  by 
subsequent  amendments  to  the  constitution.  The 
District  Courts  of  Appeal,  established  by  amend- 
ment in  1905,  are  located  at  San  Francisco,  Los 
Angeles  and  Sacramento,  and  the  Supreme  Court 
holds  sessions  in  each  of  those  cities  twice  in  each 
year. 

Liberal  provision  is  made  for  education.  A 
Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction  is  at  the  head 
of  the  educational  system  of  the  state,  and  the 
local  administration  is  in  the  hands  of  County 
Superintendents  of  Schools.  The  proceeds  of  all 
the  lands  granted  to  the  state  by  the  United  States 
are  devoted  to  a special  fund  for  the  schools.  The 
legislature  is  directed  to  provide  a system  of  com- 
mon schools  so  that  there  shall  be  maintained  in 
each  district  a school  during  at  least  six  months 
of  the  year.  The  practice  goes  beyond  the  re- 
quirement here  and  the  school  term  is  in  general 
forty  weeks.  Text-books  are  adopted  by  the  State 
Board  of  Education,  printed  by  the  state,  and 
distributed  at  cost  to  pupils.*  Provision  is  made 

* Text  books  are  now  free,  by  amendment  adopted  in 
November,  1912. 


The  Constitution  of  1S70  313 

for  the  permanent  support  of  the  University  of 
California. 

Local  administration  is  accomplished  by  the 
division  of  the  state  into  fifty-eight  counties. 
These  are  managed  by  Boards  of  Supervisors. 
Other  county  officers  are  the  sheriffs,  county  clerks, 
and  district  attorneys.  Counties  were  later  au- 
thorized to  consolidate  with  cities  under  one 
government.  The  “ City  and  County  of  San 
Francisco  ” is  the  only  example  of  such  consolida- 
tion. Counties  are  now  (by  later  amendment) 
permitted  to  frame  freeholders  charters,  which,  if 
approved  by  the  legislature,  remove  them  from 
the  operation  of  the  general  laws  controlling 
county  government. 

As  was  to  be  expected  from  the  circumstances 
under  which  it  was  adopted,  the  constitution  of 
1879  *s  unique  in  its  treatment  of  the  corporation 
problem.  Each  stockholder  of  a corporation  or 
joint-stock  association  is  made  individually  and 
personally  liable  for  such  proportion  of  all  its 
debts  and  liabilities  contracted  or  incurred,  during 
the  time  he  was  a stockholder,  as  the  amount  of 
shares  owned  by  him  bears  to  the  whole  of  the  out- 
standing capital  stock.  The  directors  or  trustees 
are  also  made  personally  liable  to  the  creditors  and 
stockholders  for  all  moneys  embezzled  or  mis- 
appropriated by  officers  of  the  corporation  during 
the  term  of  office  of  such  director  or  trustee.  A 
corporation  is  forbidden  to  issue  stock  or  bonds 


314  The  Story  of  California 

except  for  money  paid,  labor  done,  or  property 
actually  received,  and  all  fictitious  increase  of 
stock  or  indebtedness  is  declared  void.  Cumula- 
tive voting  for  directors  is  prescribed.  Corpo- 
rations organized  under  the  laws  of  any  other 
state  or  country  are  required  to  comply  with  all 
the  provisions  of  the  California  law  before  they 
will  be  allowed  to  do  business  in  the  state. 

Railroad  corporations  are  the  subject  of  spe- 
cial attention  and  restriction  both  in  the  original 
instrument  and  in  later  amendments.  No  officer 
or  other  agent  of  any  such  company  shall  be 
directly  or  indirectly  interested  in  the  furnishing 
of  supplies  to  such  company.  No  state  officer 
or  legislator  is  allowed  to  accept  a pass  or  a re- 
duced rate  from  a railroad  on  pain  of  forfeiture 
of  his  office.  No  rate  for  transportation  can  be 
raised  without  the  approval  of  the  State  Rail- 
road Commission.  Discrimination  of  all  kinds  is 
strictly  forbidden. 

Care  has  been  taken  to  limit  the  power  of  the 
legislature  in  incurring  indebtedness  and  the  tax 
system  is  prescribed  at  length.  All  property  was 
made  taxable  including  mortgages.  The  financiers 
of  the  convention  thought  in  this  wray  to  shift  the 
burden  of  taxation  for  mortgage  indebtedness  onto 
the  lender  instead  of  the  borrower.  The  only  ef- 
fect was  to  raise  the  interest  rate  sufficiently  to 
cover  the  taxes.  The  attempt  to  tax  mortgages 
was  abolished  by  amendment  in  1910.  Cultivated 


The  Constitution  of  1879 


315 


and  uncultivated  land,  if  the  same  quality,  and 
similarly  situated,  is  assessed  at  the  same  value. 
All  taxes  on  real  property  can  be  paid  in  two  an- 
nual instalments.  Income  taxes  are  authorized.  A 
poll  tax  of  two  dollars  is  levied  on  each  male  in- 
habitant and  is  paid  to  the  school  fund.  In  1910 
an  elaborate  system  of  taxing  corporation  fran- 
chises for  the  support  of  the  state  government, 
leaving  the  taxation  of  local  property  largely  in 
the  hands  of  the  counties,  was  adopted. 

The  legislature  is  instructed  to  protect  by  law 
the  homestead  and  other  property  of  all  heads  of 
families  from  forced  sale.  In  compliance  with 
this  provision  the  home  of  a family,  the  necessary 
clothing  and  furniture,  and  the  tools  of  a work- 
man have  been  exempted  from  sale  under  an  exe- 
cution. 

Stringent  regulations  were  adopted  in  regard  to 
the  Chinese.  All  local  authorities  are  empowered 
to  pass  laws  to  restrict  them.  Corporations  were 
forbidden  to  employ  them,  but  this  provision  was 
held  by  the  courts  to  be  antagonistic  to  the  United 
States  constitution.  No  Chinese  may  be  employed 
on  any  public  work  except  in  punishment  for 
crime.  Coolieism  is  declared  to  be  a form  of 
human  slavery  and  is  forbidden.  The  Chinese 
are  also  refused  the  right  of  suffrage  in  defiance 
of  the  Fifteenth  Amendment  to  the  Federal  con- 
stitution. 

Miscellaneous  provisions  complete  the  docu- 


31G 


The  Story  of  California 


ment.  The  capital  is  again  fixed  at  Sacramento. 
Duelling  is  prohibited  and  anyone  participating 
in  a duel  is  deprived  of  the  right  of  suffrage.  Sep- 
arate property  of  husband  and  wife  is  established. 
Mechanics  and  laborers  are  given  a lien  upon 
property  for  their  pay.  The  boundary  of  the 
state  is  fixed  as  it  now  exists. 

Such  was  the  California  constitution  of  1879. 
Its  character  is  very  much  the  same  as  that  of 
other  legislation  of  the  period.  It  attempted  to 
be  very  radical  and  to  forever  establish  the  posi- 
tion of  labor  as  the  master  of  capital.  If  it  had 
done  what  it  tried  to  do  it  would  have  brought 
about  a sorry  condition  of  things  in  California. 
But  it  failed  because  the  duty  of  carrying  out  its 
provisions  fell  into  the  hands  of  sane  legislatures 
and  courts.  When  the  first  legislature  was  elected 
under  the  new  constitution  there  was  a slight  re- 
action against  the  radical  theories  which  had  been 
so  loudly  exploited.  The  legislature  was  of  a 
much  more  conservative  stamp  than  the  conven- 
tion. The  Republicans  were  in  control.  They 
held  strictly  to  the  letter  of  the  new  instrument 
and  restrained  the  desire  of  the  other  parties  to 
carry  out  its  so-called  “ spirit.”  The  statutes 
passed  under  it  were  as  conservative  as  possible. 
Manv  of  its  more  vicious  provisions  have  been 
pruned  by  the  state  Supreme  Court. 

The  result  has  been  to  minimize  the  effect  of  the 
constitution  upon  the  life  of  the  state.  It  accom- 


The  Constitution  of  1879 


317 


plished  neither  of  the  special  objects  of  those  who 
secured  its  adoption.  Capital  and  labor  being 
subject  to  a higher  law  than  the  constitution,  the 
law  of  supply  and  demand,  their  relations  were  in 
no  wise  altered.  The  only  effect  of  the  attempt 
to  control  capital  was  to  give  the  monied  classes 
a fright,  to  win  for  the  state  a bad  name  through- 
out the  country,  and  effectually  to  check  the  influx 
of  capital  when  it  was  most  needed  for  develop- 
ment. Now,  after  many  years,  capital  has  com- 
pletely recovered  from  its  temporary  timidity, 
and,  unable  to  resist  the  temptation  of  high  in- 
terest and  a good  security  to  be  found  in  projects 
for  the  development  of  a new  country,  has  re- 
turned in  plenty. 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

POLITICAL  HISTORY  SINCE  1 879 


O attempt  has  been  made  to  give  in  detail  the 


political  history  of  the  state  since  its  admis- 
sion to  the  Union,  except  in  so  far  as  it  has  had  a 
direct  bearing  on  the  social  development.  A more 
sordid  story  than  this  political  history  would  be 
hard  to  find.  It  is  a pitiable  repetition  of  ineffi- 
ciency, dishonesty,  and  even  crime.  The  political 
quarrels  of  the  time  led  to  the  killing  in  a duel 
under  unjustifiable  circumstances  of  David  C. 
Broderick,  who  was  a United  States  Senator  and 
one  of  the  strongest  public  men  of  the  fifties. 
His  antagonist  was  David  S.  Terry,  a justice  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  California,  who  had  become 
notorious  in  Vigilance  Committee  days. 

The  legislatures  of  the  first  thirty  years  of  the 
state’s  history  were  much  alike  in  character. 
They  had  borrowed  millions  of  dollars  on  the 
state’s  credit  and  used  the  money  largely  to  further 
personal  schemes.  This  was  done  in  a manner 
which,  even  if  it  were  possible  under  the  new  con- 
stitution, would  not  be  tolerated  in  this  day.  In 
early  times  men  were  too  busy  with  their  own 
money-gettings  to  give  this  subject  much  atten- 


318 


Political  History  Since  1870 


319 


tion,  greatly  to  the  profit  of  the  politicians  who 
did  attend  to  it. 

The  constitution  of  1879,  among  other  things, 
was  expected  to  work  a great  reform  in  the  con- 
duct of  public  officers,  especially  legislators.  Since 
that  time  there  has  been  a great  improvement  in 
the  intolerable  conditions  which  had  previously 
existed,  which  is  undoubtedly  to  be  ascribed  in 
larger  measure  to  the  increase  of  education  and 
the  higher  character  of  the  people  than  to  any 
reform  effected  by  the  constitution  itself.  Since 
its  adoption,  as  before,  legislators  have  been  ap- 
proached by  bribe-givers  and  have  succumbed  to 
temptation.  In  fact  it  seemed  at  first  as  if  mat- 
ters had  gone  from  bad  to  worse,  but  of  late  years 
an  aroused  public  watchfulness  has  brought  about 
a great  improvement. 

In  the  fall  of  1879  the  Republicans  made  an 
effort  to  redeem  the  state  from  the  unnatural 
domination  disclosed  by  the  choice  of  thirty- 
five  foreign-born  delegates  to  sit  in  the  constitu- 
tional convention.  As  a result  of  this  effort  they 
elected  George  C.  Perkins  governor  by  a major- 
ity of  21,000  votes.  This  was  a startling  reversal 
of  the  vote  on  the  constitution,  which  had  been 
characterised  as  an  amplified  Democratic  plat- 
form. The  only  explanation  of  this  change  of 
front  lies  in  a suspicion  that  underground  forces 
were  set  at  work  to  counteract  the  effect  of  the  new 
organic  law. 


320 


The  Story  of  California 

The  first  legislature  went  far  to  justify  such 
suspicions.  It  wasted  its  time  in  useless  bicker- 
ings; failed  to  make  an  apportionment,  though 
this  was  mandatory;  failed  to  pass  an  appropria- 
tion bill,  to  fix  the  taxes,  or  to  send  appointments 
to  the  senate  for  confirmation.  An  extra  session 
was  a necessity  and  was  called  by  the  governor. 
It  did  little  beyond  drawing  its  pay,  and  left  things 
in  much  the  same  unfortunate  condition  in  which 
it  had  found  them.  In  spite  of  this  inauspicious 
beginning,  however,  the  Republican  party  has 
been  able  to  retain  its  control  of  the  legislative 
body  almost  continuously  since  that  time.  Only 
once  have  the  Democrats  recovered  it,  during  the 
years  from  1895-99,  following  the  great  panic  of 
1 893- 

The  Chinese  continued  to  furnish  a constant 
subject  for  discussion  by  political  orators  and 
for  action  on  the  part  of  legislators.  While  the 
field  of  action  was  Washington  rather  than  Sacra- 
mento, California  was  the  principal  actor,  and 
the  matter  is  part  of  the  history  of  this  state.  In 
1881  a new  treaty  was  entered  into  between  the 
United  States  and  China  by  the  terms  of  which 
it  was  agreed  that  the  United  States  could  exclude 
Chinese  laborers  at  any  time  it  saw  fit.  The  fol- 
lowing year  Congress  took  advantage  of  this  pro- 
vision and  passed  a law  suspending  immigration 
for  a period  of  ten  years  and  denying  to  the  Chi- 
nese the  right  of  naturalization.  These  enact- 


Political  History  Since  1879  321 

ments  were  entirely  foreign  to  the  spirit  in  which 
the  treaty  was  made,  but  the  labor  vote  held  the 
balance  of  power  in  California,  and  neither  party 
could  afford  to  lose  the  political  support  of  this 
state.  The  result  was  that  the  spirit  of  the  treaty 
was  grossly  violated,  the  politicians  who  did  it 
trusting  that  a weak  and  unwarlike  nation  would 
submit. 

But  nothing  would  satisfy  the  class  in  Califor- 
nia which  demanded  the  continual  harassing  of  the 
Orientals.  In  1887  an  anti-Chinese  convention 
met  in  Sacramento.  It  adopted  and  transmitted 
to  Congress  a long  and  greatly  exaggerated  state- 
ment of  conditions  and  fears  on  the  Pacific  Coast. 
This  document  is  known  as  the  Anti-Chinese 
Memorial.  The  continued  agitation  frustrated 
an  attempt  to  negotiate  a new  treaty  which  would 
have  been  somewhat  less  restrictive,  and  as  the 
ten  years  covered  by  the  Act  of  1882  drew  to  a 
close,  another  statute  known  from  its  sponsor,  a 
California  Congressman,  as  the  Geary  Act,  was 
enacted. 

This  act  provides  that  it  is  unlawful  for  any 
Chinese  persons  except  certain  exempt  classes,  in- 
cluding merchants,  students  and  diplomats,  and 
their  servants,  to  come  or  to  return  to  the  United 
States.  The  penalty  for  shipmasters  bringing 
such  persons  is  fixed  at  $500;  for  swearing  falsely, 
$1,000  or  a year’s  imprisonment,  and  the  forfeit- 
ure of  his  vessel  to  the  United  States.  Any  Chi- 


322 


The  Story  of  California 


naman  crossing  the  boundaries  was  made  liable  to 
arrest  by  any  party  on  behalf  of  the  United  States, 
and  to  deportation  — the  penalty  for  violation 
being  fixed  at  five  years’  imprisonment.  All  Chi- 
nese, whether  subjects  of  a foreign  power  or  not, 
are  included  under  the  law  and  citizenship  is 
denied  to  all.  Chinese  already  resident  in  the 
country  must  obtain  minutely  detailed  certificates 
containing  their  photographs. 

This  act  was  tested  in  the  courts  by  the  Chi- 
nese in  California.  Greatly  to  the  surprise  of  a 
majority  of  the  members  of  the  bar,  it  was  held 
by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  to  be 
constitutional.  And  thus  finally  a system  of  regis- 
tration was  set  in  operation.  It  was  the  result  of 
fourteen  years  of  agitation  which  had  crystallized 
from  time  to  time  in  legislation.  The  beginnings 
had  been  mild  but  the  progress  had  been  toward 
greater  and  greater  strictness  until  the  Geary  law 
was  passed.  Every  one  of  the  acts  had  been 
passed  on  the  eve  of  an  election  and  politics  had 
been  almost  admittedly  the  guiding  motive. 

The  Geary  Act  was  the  culmination  of  the  anti- 
Chinese  excitement.  From  the  time  of  its  passage 
the  agitation  has  lost  force.  In  1894  a treaty 
was  entered  into  which  modified  the  restrictions 
to  some  extent.  Increased  immigration  from  the 
eastern  portions  of  this  country  and  a broader 
outlook  upon  life  by  the  Californians  themselves 
has  reduced  the  Chinese  bugbear  to  the  minor 


Political  History  Since  1879  323 


place  in  our  political  life  which  it  should  right- 
fully occupy.  It  is  sometimes  used  by  politicians 
of  the  lower  class  to  draw  votes  from  the  unen- 
lightened among  the  laborers  but  it  no  longer 
deceives  the  great  mass  of  the  voters.  The  Japa- 
nese, Corean  and  East  Indian  immigration  has 
occasionally  served  as  an  excuse  for  renewing 
the  exclusion  agitation  of  late  years,  but  until  this 
year  it  has  been  considered  seriously  by  only  a 
small  number  among  the  ignorant  workingmen. 

The  one  feature  of  the  Chinese  question  which 
is  today  deserving  of  public  attention  is  the  treat- 
ment accorded  to  educated  Chinese  of  the  classes 
exempted  from  restriction,  by  ignorant  officials 
who  have  been  entrusted  with  the  duty  of  execut- 
ing the  law.  Many  of  these  have  been  active  anti- 
Chinese  agitators  and  have  stretched  the  law 
beyond  all  reason  to  harass  individuals  of  the 
race  they  hate.  Indignity  and  insult  have  been 
heaped  upon  travelers,  scholars,  merchants  and 
even  guests  of  the  nation,  which  are  a disgrace  to 
our  system  of  government. 

While  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties 
were  using  the  Chinese  and  other  questions  to 
win  votes,  the  real  struggle  during  these  second 
thirty  years  of  the  state’s  existence  has  been  only 
nominally  between  these  two  parties.  It  has  in 
reality  been  between  the  unorganized  citizenship 
of  the  state  and  highly  organized  private  inter- 
ests. The  issues  have  more  often  than  not  been 


324. 


The  Story  of  California 


clouded  and  the  vital  one  has  seldom  been  brought 
boldly  to  the  front.  Hidebound  partisanship  has 
been  the  order  of  the  day  and  has  contributed  im- 
mensely to  tighten  the  grip  which  corrupt  politi- 
cians have  been  enabled  to  fasten  upon  the  peo- 
ple of  the  state. 

The  most  active  factor  in  establishing  and 
maintaining  this  system  of  governmental  control, 
as  well  as  the  greatest  beneficiary  of  its  working 
has  been  the  Southern  Pacific  Railroad,  and  upon 
it  has  been  heaped  untold  volumes  of  obloquy  for 
this  activity.  But  it  has  not  been  alone.  Asso- 
ciated with  it  have  been  all  the  interests  in  the  state 
which  could  in  any  manner  profit  from  the  corrup- 
tion and  control  of  the  representatives  of  govern- 
ment. But  because  of  its  greater  interest,  and 
perhaps  because  of  the  greater  respectability  of 
its  supporters  the  railroad  company  has  received 
the  lion’s  share  of  the  blame  as  it  has  of  the 
profits. 

This  organization  has  come  to  be  known  as  the 
“ machine,”  a term  which  has  been  required  to 
do  far  greater  service  than  the  circumstances  de- 
mand. It  will  be  used  here  to  denote  the  political 
organization  of  those  interests  which  have  a 
direct  personal  gain  to  be  derived  from  legisla- 
tion, as  opposed  to  the  general  interests  of  the 
community  at  large. 

The  machine  in  California  has  not  by  any 
means  confined  its  attention  to  one  of  the  great 


Political  History  Since  1879  325 


parties.  Though  it  has  in  almost  every  instance 
acted  through  the  Republican  organization,  it  has 
been  because  that  party  has  been  dominant  and  not 
from  any  regard  for  its  principles.  The  Demo- 
cratic party  machinery  has  been  as  readily  used 
when  occasion  has  demanded.  The  machine  ma- 
nipulators have  amused  themselves  by  inserting  in 
the  declarations  of  principles  of  both  parties 
denunciations  of  their  own  activity  in  politics. 
These  denunciations  have  been  bolstered  by  requir- 
ing oaths  of  candidates  and  of  officials  that  they 
would  do  various  things  to  curtail  the  power  of 
the  machine.  And  the  people,  busy  with  their  own 
affairs,  have,  with  varying  degrees  of  quietness, 
permitted  the  wrong.  During  these  years  Cali- 
fornia suffered  the  shame  of  being  known  among 
her  sister  states  as  the  abject  slave  of  the  South- 
ern Pacific  Railroad. 

The  deepest  depths  of  this  degradation  were 
reached  during  the  notorious  Schmitz-Ruef  regime 
in  San  Francisco.  Abraham  Ruef  was  the  “ boss  ” 
of  the  city  and  had  at  his  command  all  the  cohorts 
of  evil.  He  placed  in  the  mayor’s  chair  Eugene 
Schmitz,  a musician  and  a violent  laborite.  The 
methods  employed  by  these  men  in  handling  the 
relief  fund  at  the  time  of  the  great  earthquake 
and  fire  in  1906,  aroused  the  community  and  they 
were  later  criminally  prosecuted  on  a long  list  of 
indictments.  After  one  of  the  most  sensational 
of  criminal  trials  in  which  reprehensible  tactics 


32G 


The  Story  of  California 


were  freely  used  by  both  sides,  and  during  the 
course  of  which  the  prosecuting  attorney,  Francis 
J.  Heney,  was  shot  down  in  the  court  room  by  a 
disqualified  juror,  Ruef  was  convicted  of  extor- 
tion and  sent  to  San  Quentin  prison.  Schmitz 
was  freed  on  a technicality  by  the  State  Supreme 
Court. 

In  1908  began  what  will  probably  constitute 
the  third  great  political  epoch  in  the  history  of 
the  state.  In  that  year  was  organized  the  “ Lin- 
coln-Roosevelt  Republican  League.”  Its  avowed 
purpose  was  to  take  the  political  control  of  the 
government  of  the  state  from  the  servants  of  the 
political  ringsters  who  had  so  long  controlled  it, 
and  to  put  it  back  into  the  hands  of  the  people. 
Similar  organizations  with  similar  purposes  had 
been  formed  in  the  past  and  had  died  in  the  bloom 
of  their  youth,  the  great  work  of  their  lives  yet 
undone.  The  reactionary  press  and  the  machine 
speakers  heaped  ridicule  upon  the  new  organiza- 
tion and  prophesied  a like  fate  for  it. 

But  they  were  to  learn  to  their  sorrow  that  this 
movement  was  of  another  stamp  than  its  well- 
meaning  predecessors.  In  the  fall  of  1908,  when 
the  election  returns  were  read  it  was  found  that 
this  organization  had  elected  a majority  of  the 
members  of  each  house  of  the  legislature  of  1909. 
A very  small  majority  to  be  sure,  but  still  a major- 
ity. Ridicule  gave  place  to  consternation  among 
the  machine  leaders.  But  they  did  not  forget 


Political  History  Since  1879  327 


themselves.  What  they  could  not  obtain  by  ballot, 
there  was  still  an  opportunity  to  secure,  by  means 
of  the  political  trickery  they  knew  so  well,  in  the 
halls  of  the  legislature  itself. 

The  representatives  of  the  new  regime  were 
exuberant  over  their  victory  but  they  did  not  know 
how  to  secure  its  fruits.  They  let  the  machine 
men  organize  both  houses  of  the  legislature  trust- 
ing to  their  voting  majority  for  control.  All  too 
soon  they  discovered  their  mistake.  They  found 
that  all  of  the  measures  which  would  have  secured 
the  reforms  which  they  were  pledged  to  enact 
were  subjected  to  innumerable  delays  and  obstruc- 
tions. In  their  inexperience  they  did  not  know  how 
to  overcome  the  difficulties.  Good  measures  were 
almost  without  exception  smothered  in  commit- 
tee. Bad  ones  were  forced  upon  them  for  atten- 
tion and  some  of  them  passed.  The  only  per- 
manent gain  was  the  passage  of  a strict  and 
enforceable  Anti-gambling  Law. 

Again  the  machine  leaders  laughed,  but  their 
merriment  was  not  to  last  long.  The  people  of 
Los  Angeles  had  placed  in  their  charter,  much 
against  the  wishes  of  the  machine,  a provision  for 
the  recall  of  unsatisfactory  officials.  The  mayor 
of  Los  Angeles  was  at  this  time  A.  C.  Harper,  a 
typical  product  of  the  old  methods  in  politics.  An 
aroused  public  sentiment  found  him  and  his  sup- 
porters working  in  conjunction  with  the  forces  of 
evil  and,  though  but  nine  months  of  his  term  re- 


328 


The  Story  of  California 


mained,  a recall  election  was  called.  Harper 
withdrew  his  name  at  the  last  moment  and  George 
Alexander,  a Lincoln-Roosevelt  League  man,  was 
elected  to  complete  the  term.  In  order  that  the 
machine  leaders  might  feel  the  full  force  of  the 
sentiment  which  had  done  this,  Alexander  was 
again  elected  over  their  candidate  at  the  regular 
election  nine  months  later. 

The  legislature  of  1909  had  not  been  alto- 
gether a failure  from  the  people’s  standpoint.  It 
gave  to  their  representatives  the  experience  they 
needed  for  the  legislative  session  of  1911.  In 
that  year  the  Lincoln-Roosevelt  League  secured 
control  of  the  machinery  of  the  Republican  party. 
It  sent  its  leader,  Hiram  W.  Johnson,  to  Sacra- 
mento as  governor  of  California.  It  sent  to  the 
legislative  halls  a clear  majority  of  experienced 
legislators  pledged  to  carry  out  its  reforms. 

The  legislature  of  1911  is  a memorable  one  in 
the  history  of  the  state.  It  has  enacted  into  law 
and  woven  into  the  constitution  principles  which 
are  destined  to  have  a far  larger  influence  upon 
the  life  of  this  commonwealth  than  all  the  radical 
innovations  which  were  adopted  with  that  con- 
stitution in  1879.  The  innovations  of  that  instru- 
ment dealt  with  the  relative  rights  of  different  in- 
terests in  the  state.  In  its  operation  the  reforms 
were  nullified  because  the  methods  of  administra- 
tion were  imperfect.  But  the  reforms  of  1911 
were  largely  in  the  methods  of  procedure  by 


Political  History  Since  1879  329 


which  the  great  fundamental  rights  were  to  be 
secured  to  the  people  at  large.  Whether  these 
changes  are  to  operate  for  better  or  for  worse  it 
is  too  early  to  predict,  but  their  general  trend 
seems  to  be  in  the  direction  of  the  best  interests 
of  the  whole  community. 

The  first  duty  of  the  new  administration,  it  was 
urged,  was  to  remove  from  office  every  man  who 
in  any  way  represented  the  old  regime.  This 
was  effectually  done.  In  some  cases  it  was  done 
so  effectually  that  suspicion  is  aroused  that  the 
sinister  connection  has  been  imagined  in  order  to 
remove  an  unfriendly  office-holder.  But  such  in- 
stances are  few  and  in  the  main  there  has  been 
a thorough  house-cleaning.  The  resulting  admin- 
istration of  the  state  has  for  the  most  part  made  a 
clean  and  satisfactory  beginning. 

The  legislature  immediately  after  its  organiza- 
tion and  the  election  of  John  D.  Works  of  Los 
Angeles  as  United  States  Senator,  amended  the 
Direct  Primary  Law  so  that  it  provides  an  hon- 
est state-wide  expression  of  the  electorate  of  their 
preference  among  the  candidates  for  that  office. 
The  election  of  state  officials  was  also  lifted  out 
of  the  rut  of  partisanship  by  the  abolishing  of 
the  party  circle  on  the  ballot. 

Constitutional  amendments  were  placed  before 
the  people  (and  by  them  adopted)  providing  for 
the  institution  of  the  initiative,  the  referendum, 
and  the  recall.  After  a prolonged  debate  and 


330 


The  Story  of  California 


much  opposition  even  among  those  who  were 
otherwise  friendly  to  this  latter  measure,  it  was 
finally  extended  to  include  the  judiciary. 

The  railroad  problem  was  boldly  dealt  with. 
The  railroads  of  the  state  had  at  an  early  date 
secured  control  of  the  railroad  commission  created 
in  1879  and  through  this  control  had  enjoyed 
complete  immunity  from  restriction  in  the  matter 
of  rate-making  and  service.  A constitutional 
amendment  was  submitted  (and  adopted)  increas- 
ing the  number  of  commissioners  from  three  to 
five,  and  making  them  appointive  by  the  governor 
instead  of  elective.  The  powers  of  the  commis- 
sion are  greatly  enlarged,  and  in  addition  to  rail- 
roads, all  kinds  of  public  service  corporations  are 
placed  under  its  control.  Another  important  pro- 
vision is  that  no  rate  may  be  changed  without  the 
consent  of  the  commission. 

The  question  of  woman’s  suffrage  is  an  old  one 
in  California.  It  was  proposed  in  the  constitu- 
tional convention  of  1879  to  give  women  the  bal- 
lot but  the  measure  did  not  carry.  In  1882  the 
Prohibition  party  adopted  a plank  declaring  for 
the  extension  of  the  suffrage  to  women.  Various 
bill's  have  been  introduced  into  the  legislature 
from  time  to  time  providing  for  this  extension. 
The  1 91 1 session  submitted  the  amendment  to  the 
people  of  the  state  and  it  was  adopted  by  a large 
majority. 

Many  so-called  labor  bills  were  brought  to  the 


Political  History  Since  1879  331 


attention  of  the  1 91 1 legislature.  One  of  them, 
providing  for  an  eight-hour  working  day  for 
women,  passed,  and  has  been  upheld  by  the  courts. 
An  anti-injunction  bill  was  defeated.  But  .more 
important  than  either  in  its  bearing  upon  the  pres- 
ent lack  of  equilibrium  in  the  relations  between 
labor  and  capital,  is  the  Employer’s  Liability 
amendment.  This  authorizes  the  legislature  to 
pass  a compulsory  compensation  law  for  the  bene- 
fit of  employees  injured  by  accidents  in  the  course 
of  their  employment.  It  attempts,  with  what  suc- 
cess still  remains  to  be  seen,  to  throw  the  burden 
of  this  loss  not  upon  the  individual  and  those  de- 
pendent upon  him  for  a living  as  heretofore,  but 
upon  the  industry  itself,  thus  distributing  it  ulti- 
mately among  the  whole  mass  of  the  people. 

Such  measures  were  the  result  of  the  activity 
of  the  Lincoln-Roosevelt  League.  The  changes 
it  has  brought  about  in  the  fundamental  law  of  the 
state  have  been  clearly  in  the  way  of  progress. 
No  matter  what  machine  may  in  future  gain  con- 
trol of  the  state  law-making  body,  it  could  not 
undo  the  work  of  the  legislative  session  of  1911. 
There  is  but  one  stain  upon  the  record  of  that 
body.  It  failed  to  pass  a bill  for  the  reapportion- 
ment of  the  state,  though  this  duty  was  placed  upon 
it  by  the  state  constitution.  This  failure  was  due 
to  the  opposition  of  the  city  representatives  and  the 
representatives  of  the  rural  districts  to  each  other’s 
plans  of  apportionment.  The  disproportionate 


332 


The  Story  of  California 

growth  of  the  urban  centers  has  given  rise  to  a 
new  problem  whose  proper  solution  will  be  a 
difficult  matter  and  is  not  yet  clear.  In  the  sum 
total  of  good  accomplished  by  the  191 1 legislature 
this  dereliction  may  well  be  overlooked. 

In  the  presidential  campaign  of  1912,  the 
“ progressive  ” element  in  control  of  the  Republi- 
can party  in  California,  heartily  espoused  the  can- 
didacy of  Theodore  Roosevelt.  When  he  was 
nominated  at  Chicago  by  the  Progressive  party, 
Governor  Johnson  was  named  for  the  vice-presi- 
dency. At  the  election  the  voters  of  the  state 
gave  this  ticket  a majority  so  small  that  for  days 
the  outcome  was  doubtful.  Some  of  the  methods 
used  by  a few  of  the  leaders  of  the  Progressive 
Republicans  during  the  campaign  bring  to  mind  the 
days  of  the  old  machine,  and  the  question  is  an 
open  one  as  to  whether  this  party  of  reform  has 
not  already  rendered  its  service  and  fallen  into 
the  hands  of  men  who  would  use  it  for  their  own 
ends. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  NATURAL  RESOURCES 


HERE  may  be  in  California,  now  made 


free  by  its  constitution  — and  no  doubt 
there  are  — some  tracts  of  valuable  land.” 
Daniel  Webster  expressed  this  opinion  of  Cali- 
fornia in  the  United  States  Senate  in  1850,  and  in 
all  probability  he  voiced  the  ideas  of  a great 
number  of  people  in  the  eastern  states  at  that 
time.  There  were  also  many  people  even  in  the 
West  who  were  not  at  all  sure  that  California  was 
good  for  anything  but  gold-mining.  But  these 
who  were  of  this  way  of  thinking  overlooked  two 
things  — one  that  the  topography  of  the  state  re- 
produces the  climate  of  every  state  in  the  Union; 
the  other  that  by  far  the  greater  portion  of  its 
soil  is  of  such  a nature  that  if  water  can  be  con- 
ducted onto  it,  it  will  grow  anything  that  the  cli- 
mate of  the  particular  district  calls  for.  The 
result  is  that  California  is  in  a measure  able  to 
reproduce  the  products  of  all  the  states. 

In  pre-American  days  the  chief  and  in  fact  the 
only  industry  was  the  production  of  hides  and  tal- 
low. Hundreds  of  thousands  of  cattle  grazed  the 
hills,  receiving  practically  no  care  and  worthless 
for  meat,  but  yielding  vast  quantities  of  hides  and 


333 


334 


The  Story  of  California 


tallow.  These  were  disposed  of  to  the  American 
trading  vessels.  Only  enough  planting  and  cul- 
tivating was  done  to  sustain  the  inhabitants.  The 
mission  and  pueblo  lands  were  the  centers  of  this 
limited  agricultural  development,  the  ranches  be- 
ing smaller  oases  in  the  otherwise  desert  country. 

Incoming  foreigners  began  production  on  a 
larger  scale.  Sutter  in  1840  started  an  extensive 
agricultural  development  in  the  Sacramento  Val- 
ley. With  the  increasing  difficulty  of  obtaining 
gold  when  surface  mining  passed,  more  and  more 
men  turned  to  agriculture,  which  promised  large 
returns  at  the  then  current  prices.  By  1854  the 
state  had  become  practically  self-supporting  so 
far  as  foodstuffs  were  concerned.  This  was  for  the 
most  part  in  the  line  of  staple  cereals  and  garden 
truck.  While  orchards  and  vineyards  were  early 
understood  to  be  a possibility,  the  rather  indiffer- 
ent success  at  the  missions  with  both  oranges  and 
grapes  had  discouraged  any  large  effort  in  that 
direction. 

In  the  later  fifties,  however,  began  a wide- 
spread experimentation  in  what  could  be  done  in 
California.  Every  country  in  the  world  was  levied 
upon  for  seeds  and  experience.  The  climatic  con- 
ditions were  ideal;  the  ground  fairly  level  and  in 
many  instances  ready  for  the  plow;  the  farmers 
of  the  state  boldly  experimented  in  every  direc- 
tion. It  was  soon  discovered  that  wheat  could  be 
raised  in  the  great  interior  valleys  which  had 


The  Development  of  Natural  Resources  335 

hitherto  been  condemned  as  arid.  This  discovery 
gave  a tremendous  impetus  to  agricultural  devel- 
opment in  all  parts  of  the  state. 

But  it  was  found  that  for  other  products  than 
the  grains,  water  in  addition  to  the  annual  rainfall 
was  a necessity.  This  difficulty  was  overcome  by 
irrigation.  Once  introduced,  the  use  of  this  method 
of  watering  spread  rapidly.  It  had  been  used  in 
a small  way  at  the  missions  but  never  much  devel- 
oped. In  1871  the  great  San  Joaquin  and  Kings 
River  canal  was  commenced.  When  finished  this 
canal  was  seventy  miles  long  and  carried  water 
to  190,000  acres  of  land.  Many  such  irrigat- 
ing canals  have  since  been  built,  the  most  noted 
system  being  that  in  the  Imperial  Valley  which 
carries  the  waters  of  the  Colorado  River  to  thou- 
sands of  acres  of  land.  Irrigation  projects  are 
constantly  in  course  of  construction  in  all  parts  of 
the  state. 

Irrigation  is  not  a drawback  to  the  land.  It  fs 
a distinct  advantage  as  compared  with  natural 
rainfall.  The  farmer  who  irrigates  may  occa- 
sionally be  troubled  by  floods,  but  he  practically 
never  has  to  think  of  drought.  His  water  supply 
is  wholly  under  his  control  and  he  can  give  his 
growing  crops  more  or  less,  as  is  required.  The 
water  also  fertilizes  and  renovates  the  soil  and 
does  much  to  eradicate  such  pests  as  squirrels  and 
grasshoppers.  There  are  several  towns  in  Cali- 
fornia which  have  been  built  up  entirely  because 


336 


The  Story  of  California 


of  their  location  in  the  center  of  a large  irrigated 
district.  The  city  of  Riverside,  for  instance,  is 
now  one  of  the  centers  of  the  orange  production  of 
the  state.  In  1872  there  was  no  settlement  there 
and  the  whole  surrounding  country  was  a barren 
waste. 

The  prevalence  of  ditch  irrigation  and  sinking 
wells  for  irrigating  water  has  given  rise  to  new 
problems  in  law  which  have  proven  very  embar- 
rassing to  the  courts  of  the  state.  There  has  been 
almost  endless  litigation  over  water  rights  in 
nearly  every  large  source  of  supply  in  the  country. 
In  trying  to  apply  rules  of  law  which  were  devel- 
oped in  a country  where  there  is  a heavy  rainfall 
and  clearly  marked  streams,  to  a country  where 
there  is  little  rainfall  and  the  streams  run  under- 
ground many  difficulties  have  been  encountered. 
Even  the  supreme  court  of  the  state  has  shown 
some  hesitancy  in  arriving  at  conclusions,  and  the 
judges  have  not  always  remained  satisfied  with  a 
principle  even  after  they  have  enunciated  it.  The 
correctness  of  the  present  rulings  on  the  subject 
is  questioned  by  many  able  lawyers  who  have 
made  a deep  study  of  the  matter. 

The  cereals  are  the  great  staple  product  of  Cali- 
fornia. They  are  grown  in  all  parts  of  the  state 
under  the  process  known  as  “ dry-farming,”  with- 
out irrigation.  Wheat  and  barley  are  the  largest 
crops.  Oats  is  a heavy  crop  in  the  north.  Corn  is 
produced  in  large  quantities  all  over  the  state.  A 


The  Development  of  Natural  Resources  337 

more  recent  crop  is  alfalfa.  It  has  been  exten- 
sively planted  of  late  years  especially  in  the  irri- 
gated districts  of  the  southern  part  of  the  state. 
It  requires  a comparatively  large  quantity  of  water 
but  is  an  excellent  food  for  stock. 

Gardening  became  prominent  during  the  first 
reaction  from  the  gold  excitement.  The  high 
prices  prevalent  during  the  early  fifties  led  many 
into  it  with  a consequent  lowering  of  the  price 
level.  There  was  still  a large  yield,  however,  and 
the  recent  growth  of  the  large  cities  has  caused 
the  acreage  given  over  to  truck  farming  to  in- 
crease steadily. 

Cotton  was  first  planted  in  1865,  but  was  con- 
fined to  a small  area  in  Merced  and  Kern  coun- 
ties. During  the  last  few  years  much  experimental 
work  has  been  done  in  the  Imperial  Valley,  and 
this  district  gives  promise  of  an  extensive  cotton 
production  though  it  is  too  early  as  yet  to  predict 
its  future  with  any  degree  of  certainty.  Tobacco 
has  been  tried  in  several  parts  of  the  state  but  so 
far  has  not  obtained  much  of  a foothold.  Sugar 
beets  are  rapidly  taking  a position  as  one  of 
the  leading  products  of  California.  The  acreage 
planted  to  this  vegetable  is  increasing  rapidly  and 
many  sugar  beet  factories  are  in  operation. 

Fruit  and  grapes  are  among  the  greatest  of 
California  products.  The  yield  per  acre  is  about 
twice  that  of  other  countries.  Apples,  (in  the 
high  lands),  peaches,  pears  and  apricots  are  all 


338 


The  Story  of  California 


widely  planted.  One-half  of  the  prune  trees  of 
America  are  in  Santa  Clara  county.  Much  of  the 
fruit  is  dried.  Limes,  figs,  walnuts,  almonds,  pea- 
nuts, and  olives  are  also  common.  The  latter  are 
grown  on  dry  lands  without  irrigation.  The  berry 
crop  is  enormous.  Strawberries,  blackberries, 
red  and  black  raspberries,  and  loganberries,  (the 
latter  a cross  between  the  blackberry  and  the  rasp- 
berry) are  favorite  varieties. 

Oranges  and  lemons  are  by  far  the  best  known 
crops  of  California.  These  fruits  were  first 
planted  by  the  missionaries,  but  they  never  met 
with  much  success  in  their  cultivation.  The  real 
development  of  the  modern  orange  industry  began 
in  1873  with  the  introduction  of  two  seedless 
orange  trees  from  Brazil.  From  these  were 
evolved  the  “ Washington  Navel  ” which  is  one 
of  the  all-prevalent  varieties.  Citrus  trees,  if 
properly  cared  for,  bear  for  twenty  or  thirty 
years,  and  as  new  acreage  is  constantly  being 
added  to  the  existing  total  the  production  is  al- 
ways on  the  increase.  The  acreage  in  lemons  is 
slightly  less  than  that  in  oranges,  and  the  value 
per  acre  is  about  the  same.  Until  recently,  one- 
quarter  of  the  citrus  trees  of  the  state  were  in 
Los  Angeles  county,  but  the  constant  setting  out 
of  trees  in  the  San  Joaquin  Valley  together  with 
the  enormous  groves  at  Riverside  and  Redlands 
are  rapidly  lessening  this  proportion. 

All  parts  of  the  world  have  been  levied  upon 


LOS  ANGELES  IN  1857 


The  Development  of  Natural  Resources  339 

to  furnish  varieties  of  grapes,  and  all  varieties 
flourish  in  California.  Napa  and  Sonoma  coun- 
ties are  large  producers  but  the  south  is  the  prin- 
cipal district.  Large  quantities  are  raised  in 
Fresno  and  the  neighboring  counties  and  con- 
verted into  raisins.  One-half  the  grape  acreage 
of  the  state  is  in  wine  grapes.  The  largest  vine- 
yard in  the  world,  consisting  of  4,000  acres,  is  lo- 
cated at  Cucamonga  in  San  Bernardino  county. 
Almost  every  kind  of  wine  is  produced  somewhere 
in  California,  and  the  total  production  is  about 
three-fifths  of  the  total  for  the  whole  United 
States.  Brandies  are  also  an  important  product. 

Cattle-raising  was  an  important  industry  in  the 
early  days  but  later  declined  to  an  adjunct  of 
ranching.  Latterly  the  cultivation  of  pasture  has 
been  introduced  and  cattle  are  raised  more  and 
more  for  dairying  instead  of  for  their  hides. 
There  are  still  many  thousand  head  upon  the 
ranges  of  the  more  mountainous  districts.  Cali- 
fornia horses,  while  not  raised  in  great  numbers, 
are  among  the  finest  in  the  country.  The  raising 
of  sheep  for  wool  was  introduced  by  Americans  in 
1853  and  has  since  become  an  important  industry. 
Hogs  are  raised  on  the  tule  lands  of  the  San  Joa- 
quin and  Sacramento  Valleys  and  of  late  years  on 
the  irrigated  lands  of  the  Imperial  Valley,  where 
they  are  allowed  to  run  loose  in  immense  fields  of 
alfalfa  and  barley.  Poultry-raising  has  never 
assumed  a very  prominent  place  though  it  is  at 


340 


The  Story  of  California 


present  on  the  increase.  The  principal  center  of 
this  industry  is  at  Petaluma. 

In  the  northern  part  of  the  state  the  production 
of  lumber  is  an  important  industry.  The  red- 
wood and  sequoia  forests  have  furnished  millions 
of  feet  and  are  being  extensively  cut  at  present 
with  little  or  no  attempt  at  reforestation.  Other 
native  growths  are  the  Douglas  fir,  the  sugar  pine, 
and  the  Oregon  pine.  The  latter  is  widely  used 
in  the  construction  of  dwelling  houses.  In  the 
south  the  planting  of  eucalyptus  has  received  much 
attention  in  recent  years.  It  takes  from  six  to  ten 
years  to  grow  a tree  of  marketable  size,  and  after 
cutting  new  trunks  will  spring  from  the  same 
stump.  The  principal  use  of  this  wood  in  the  past 
has  been  for  firewood  but  it  is  now  used  to  some 
extent  for  furniture  and  cabinet  work. 

Ever  since  the  gold  days  California  has  re- 
tained her  pre-eminent  position  in  the  production 
of  the  precious  metals.  Up  to  the  year  1910  she 
had  added  over  two  billion  dollars  to  the  world’s 
gold  supply.  She  has  also  been  a large  producer 
of  silver.  All  the  quicksilver  produced  in  the 
United  States  comes  from  this  state  and  one  mine 
in  Oregon.  Iron  ore  is  present  in  large  quantities 
in  various  parts  of  the  state  but  so  far  has  not 
been  much  developed  because  of  the  lack  of  smelt- 
ing facilities.  There  is  a small  output  of  copper, 
borax  and  salt.  Coal  is  mined  in  several  of  the 
coast  counties  but  not  in  large  quantities. 


The  Development  of  Natural  Resources  341 

Oil  promises  to  become  the  most  important 
mineral  product  of  the  state  if  the  recent  enormous 
development  is  continued.  The  first  attempts  to 
secure  oil  were  made  by  Andres  Pico  in  Pico 
Canon  near  Los  Angeles  in  1856.  But  the  real 
growth  of  the  industry  has  taken  place  in  the  last 
twenty  years  and  in  1907  the  production  exceeded 
that  of  gold  for  that  year.  Los  Angeles  county 
was  for  many  years  the  chief  producer  but  is  now 
giving  way  before  Kern  and  Fresno  counties  in 
the  San  Joaquin  Valley.  California  oil  differs  in 
general  from  the  eastern  product  in  that  it  has  an 
asphaltum  instead  of  a paraffin  base.  It  is  not 
good  for  illuminating,  nor  where  rapid  combustion 
is  necessary  as  in  automobile  engines.  It  is,  how- 
ever, a splendid  fuel  and  is  extensively  used  not 
only  in  the  household  but  almost  exclusively  in 
locomotives  and  steamships.  It  is  about  forty 
per  cent  cheaper  than  coal.  Its  market  is  being 
rapidly  extended  to  all  parts  of  the  world.  The 
industry  has  seen  a wonderful  expansion  in  the 
last  three  years.  At  times  this  has  been  so  rapid 
that  there  have  not  been  sufficient  transportation 
facilities  to  carry  the  product  to  market.  This 
problem  is  being  solved  by  the  construction  of 
huge  pipe-lines  from  the  wells  to  tidewater. 

Manufacturing  development  has  been  much 
hampered  by  the  scarcity  of  raw  materials  and 
the  extremely  high  cost  of  labor.  Fuel  has  also 
been  diffict'1*  to  obtain  in  the  past  but  the  recent 


342 


The  Story  of  California 


development  of  petroleum  and  the  utilization  of 
water  power  for  the  generation  of  electricity  have 
overcome  this  obstacle. 

The  first  manufacturing  enterprises  arose  from 
the  need  of  repairs  to  machinery  and  equipment 
during  the  mining  days.  Special  needs  at  the 
mines  developed  local  industries  and  the  general 
growth  of  the  country  led  to  the  establishment  of 
larger  manufactories  in  and  about  San  Francisco. 
The  large  production  of  wheat  has  resulted  in  the 
erection  of  mills,  which  export  most  of  their  prod- 
uct. The  Civil  War  gave  an  added  impulse  to 
California  manufactures.  It  caused  a large  im- 
migration to  the  Pacific  Coast  and  influenced  many 
people  to  remain  here  who  otherwise  would  have 
returned  to  the  East.  By  cutting  off  other  sources 
of  supply  it  greatly  increased  the  demand  for  local 
products.  This  new  impulse  centered  in  San 
Francisco  and  gave  that  city  a lead  in  manufac- 
tures which  it  has  since  maintained.  One  of  her 
shipyards  has  constructed  eight  vessels  for  the 
United  States  navy. 

The  present  outlook  for  manufacturers  is  of  the 
brightest.  The  rapidly  increasing  population  is 
creating  a large  home  market.  To  this  is  added 
the  force  of  the  local  sentiment  in  favor  of  using 
home  products  wherever  possible.  The  large 
acreage  which  has  within  the  last  few  years  been 
planted  to  eucalyptus  promises  to  remedy  in  time 
the  lack  of  hard  and  elastic  woods.  The  “ home- 


The  Development  of  Natural  Resources  343 

seeker  ” immigration  is  bringing  in  more  and  more 
laborers.  To  these  will  be  added  great  numbers 
of  immigrants  from  Europe  when  the  Panama 
Canal  is  opened.  With  more  and  cheaper  labor, 
and  a large  and  growing  home  market,  the  manu- 
factures of  California  will  soon  surpass  in  value 
both  the  mineral  and  agricultural  products. 

The  first  foreign  commerce  of  California  was 
represented  by  the  supply  ships  from  Mexico. 
After  these  came  the  trading  and  smuggling  ves- 
sels, and  barter  with  the  Russians  in  the  north. 
The  gold  rush  with  its  high  prices  became  a mag- 
net for  the  surplus  goods  of  the  entire  world. 
Anything  was  considered  good  enough  to  send 
to  California.  Hundreds  of  vessels  sailed  into 
Sar  Francisco  harbor  with  absurd  and  unusable 
cargoes  which  were  left  to  rot  on  the  wharves. 
Many  of  the  ships  were  never  even  unloaded  for 
they  were  without  a single  deckhand  within  a few 
hours  after  arriving.  The  high  prices  sent  up  the 
cost  of  doing  business  to  almost  prohibitive  fig- 
ures. The  few  warehouses  were  quickly  filled. 
Auction  sales  were  the  only  remedy,  and  goods 
sold  for  little  or  nothing  in  huge  quantities.  The 
result  was  failure  after  failure  which  brought  on 
a widespread  commercial  panic. 

The  gold  rush  of  course  practically  put  an  end 
to  what  little  export  trade  there  was  for  the  time 
being.  The  vast  herds  of  cattle  which  had  for- 
merly been  raised  for  their  hides  and  tallow  only, 


344 


The  Story  of  California 


suddenly  became  extremely  valuable  for  their 
meagre  supply  of  meat.  California  was  wholly 
unable  to  support  the  enormous  numbers  of  new- 
comers and  great  quantities  of  foodstuffs  were 
imported  for  several  years.  Most  of  the  imports 
came  by  sea.  The  completion  of  the  Central 
Pacific  or  other  railroads  has  never  decreased  the 
volume  of  this  traffic.  The  increase  in  population 
has  been  sufficient  to  keep  it  on  the  increase. 

At  present,  beside  being  connected  with  the 
eastern  states  by  four  transcontinental  lines,  Cali- 
fornia receives  at  her  ports  the  ships  of  regular 
lines  of  steamers  from  Alaska,  Japan,  China,  the 
Philippines,  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  Mexico,  and 
Central  and  South  America.  The  opening  of  the 
Panama  Canal  will  add  lines  of  steamers  to  At- 
lantic ports  and  to  Europe  to  those  already  in 
operation.  A fifth  transcontinental  railroad  is 
being  constructed  across  the  state  from  San  Diego 
and  another  across  the  central  portion  of  the 
state  is  projected.  Aside  from  the  many  local 
steam  lines,  the  districts  surrounding  the  large 
cities  are  served  in  every  direction  by  networks 
of  electric  railroads  which  are  among  the  most 
extensive  in  the  country. 


CHAPTER  XXIX 

SOCIAL  PROGRESS 

SINCE  the  gold  days  the  principal  immigrants 
to  California  have  been  Americans  drawn  by 
the  possibilities  of  the  soil.  These  men  were  of 
as  strong  fibre  and  of  better  character  than  the 
average  of  the  gold  days.  The  type  of  immigrant 
has  steadily  improved,  bringing  an  added  element 
of  culture  and  refinement. 

The  state  also  began  to  acquire  fame  as  a place 
to  live.  At  first  this  brought  many  tourists  to 
California,  people  who  were  fleeing  to  escape  the 
rigors  of  the  eastern  winters  in  the  milder  tem- 
peratures of  this  state.  The  comparatively  warm 
winters,  especially  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
state  which  became  the  goal  of  these  travelers, 
gave  rise  to  a general  belief  among  these  very 
people  that  the  summers  must  be  intolerably  hot. 
Within  the  last  decade  this  erroneous  belief  has 
been  eradicated  and  the  climate,  added  to  the 
many  other  attractions  of  the  life  of  the  Pacifie 
Coast,  is  now  drawing  to  California  many  thou- 
sands every  year  to  make  it  their  home. 

The  newcomers  thus  drawn  to  the  state  are 
many  of  them  of  moderate  or  even  large  wealth 
and  they  bring  with  them  the  culture  and  refine- 

345 


346 


The  Story  of  California 


ment  of  their  eastern  homes.  California  cities 
are  rapidly  becoming  stamped  with  the  impress 
of  eastern  life.  The  education  and  intelligence 
of  the  mass  of  the  population  is  far  higher  than 
the  average  for  the  country  as  a whole  because 
of  this  select  immigration.  The  desire  for  wider 
and  deeper  mental  attainment  is  becoming  wide- 
spread. 

Of  course  such  a development  would  have  been 
impossible  without  the  accompanying  change  in 
the  social  atmosphere.  We  have  seen  the  dis- 
graceful lack  of  order  which  prevailed  during  the 
gold  days,  caused  by  conditions  unique  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  world.  The  riots  of  1877  were  due 
to  special  impelling  causes.  Nevertheless  it  took 
many  years  for  San  Francisco  to  achieve  a state 
of  security  because  it  was  the  center  of  attraction 
for  all  the  vicious  elements  on  the  coast  and  even 
far  into  the  interior. 

The  other  cities  in  the  state,  possibly  because  of 
their  smaller  size,  have  been  more  successful  in 
this  respect  than  San  Francisco.  Los  Angeles  in 
particular  has  been  free  from  labor  troubles. 
This  has  been  largely  due  to  the  broad-minded 
policy  of  employers  in  that  city  combined  with 
their  determination  to  hold  in  check  the  lawless 
element  which  is  the  disgrace  of  labor  unionism. 
Although  workmen  in  Los  Angeles  receive  wages 
in  many  cases  higher  than  the  union  scale,  and 
never  lower,  and  work  under  the  best  possible  con- 


Social  Progress 


347 


ditions,  and  are  in  the  main  contented  and  satis- 
fied with  their  lot,  the  independence  of  the  em- 
ployers and  the  freedom  of  the  city  from  the 
abuses  of  union  domination  have  been  a constant 
source  of  irritation  to  the  more  violent  of  the 
labor  leaders  of  the  country. 

The  result  has  been  that  frequent  attacks  have 
been  made  upon  the  industrial  independence  of  the 
city  by  agitators  from  the  outside.  Men  have  at 
various  times  been  poured  into  the  city  for  the 
express  purpose  of  fomenting  and  encouraging 
strikes  and  riot.  The  worst  experience  of  this 
kind  which  the  city  has  undergone  culminated  on 
October  I,  1910,  in  the  dynamiting  of  the  build- 
ing of  the  Los  Angeles  Times,  a newspaper  which 
had  long  been  in  the  foremost  ranks  of  the  op- 
ponents of  labor-unionism.  The  plant  was  to- 
tally destroyed  and  twenty-one  employes  killed. 
Two  brothers,  J.  B.  McNamara,  and  J.  J.  Mc- 
Namara, were  placed  on  trial  for  the  murder  of 
these  men.  During  the  course  of  the  trial  both 
men  confessed  their  connection  with  the  crime 
and  were  sent  to  San  Quentin  prison. 

San  Diego  has  recently  been  the  unfortunate 
center  of  another  type  of  agitation.  Like  most 
large  cities  she  has  an  ordinance  forbidding  public 
speaking  in  the  center  of  the  business  section. 
Representatives  of  the  Industrial  Workers  of  the 
World,  an  anarchistic  organization,  attempted  to 
use  the  streets  in  spite  of  this  ordinance.  The 


348 


The  Story  of  California 

police  interfered  and  the  agitators  immediately 
raised  the  cry  that  the  freedom  of  speech  guar- 
anteed to  them  by  the  Constitution  (which  they 
were  trying  to  overthrow)  was  being  denied.  A 
call  was  sent  forth  and  many  men  claiming  to  be 
members  of  the  order  set  out  for  San  Diego  with 
the  avowed  intention  of  having  themselves  ar- 
rested and  filling  the  jails  and  crowding  the  courts 
until  the  machinery  of  justice  must  stop.  Some 
over-zealous  citizens,  fearing  that  the  police  would 
be  unable  to  handle  the  situation,  formed  a “ vigi- 
lance committee  ” to  protect  the  city  from  the 
threatened  plague.  Many  of  the  agitators  were 
roughly  handled  and  the  attempt  to  overwhelm 
the  city  failed. 

But  these  demonstrations  of  recent  years  are 
the  result  of  no  conditions  peculiar  to  California. 
They  are  sporadic  effects  of  the  nation-wide  ef- 
fort of  certain  agitators  to  stir  up  the  lowest 
classes  of  the  people  to  violence  and  anarchy.  It 
is  even  more  than  nation  wide;  it  is  world  wide. 
The  leading  nations  of  Europe  are  having  to  con- 
tend with  it  in  the  form  of  syndicalism,  sabotage, 
and  under  other  names.  While  the  principal  inci- 
dents in  connection  with  the  movement  in  Cali- 
fornia have  been  of  a striking  character,  and  have 
occasioned  much  newspaper  comment,  these  inci- 
dents have  entered  little  into  the  life  of  the  aver- 
age citizen.  They  are  as  a rule  accompanied 
with  little  rioting  and  few  acts  of  rowdyism. 


Social  Progress  349  \ 

Turning  from  these  few  but  notorious  incidents 
in  the  later  life  of  the  state,  all  is  found  to  be  in  ; 
the  course  of  progress  and  advancement.  In  mat-/ 
ters  religious,  California  has  retained  nothing  of! 
the  atmosphere  of  her  earlier  years.  She  has  noW'-i 
few  traces  of  either  the  religious  domination  of  the  *. 
pre-American  days  or  of  the  godless  atheism  of  the 
gold  days.  The  Roman  Catholic  church  continued 
to  minister  to  the  native  born  population  after  the 
conquest  but  for  many  years  after  the  gold  dis- 
covery religion  was  a minor  consideration  in  the 
general  life  of  the  community.  With  the  coming 
of  the  later  waves  of  immigration,  however,  relig- 
ion has  quietly  assumed  its  normal  place  in  the 
life  of  the  people  and  several  cities  of  California 
are  noted  for  their  large  church  attendance. 

In  educational  matters  California  has  made 
the  greatest  strides.  In  her  first  constitution  she 
provided  for  a system  of  common  schools  and 
preliminary  steps  were  taken  for  the  establishment 
of  a state  university.  In  1868  the  act  creating  the 
University  of  California  was  passed  by  the  legis- 
lature and  signed  by  the  governor.  This  newly 
created  body  accepted  the  gift  of  the  College  of 
California  which  had  been  founded  at  Oakland  in 
1853  by  Rev.  Henry  Durant,  and  had  later  moved 
to  a beautiful  location  at  Berkeley.  This  College 
became  the  College  of  Letters  in  the  University 
and  other  colleges  have  been  added  from  time  to 
time  until  there  are  at  present  fifteen.  A Board 


350 


The  Story  of  California 


of  Regents  is  the  governing  body  of  the  University 
and  it  is  supported  by  the  income  from  a number 
of  special  funds  created  by  gifts  of  land  from 
Congress  and  the  state  legislature.  Many  educa- 
tors of  national  fame  have  taken  part  in  the 
development  of  California’s  leading  educational 
institution.  Among  these  are  such  men  as  Daniel 
Coit  Gilman,  at  one  time  its  president,  Joseph 
LeConte,  and  the  present  president,  Benjamin 
Ide  Wheeler.  There  are  now  over  four  thousand 
students  in  attendance  at  the  various  colleges  of 
the  University. 

California  is  fortunate  in  having  within  her 
borders  two  universities  of  the  first  rank.  In 
1885  the  Leland  Stanford  Junior  University  was 
founded  by  Leland  Stanford  and  his  wife,  Jane 
Lathrop  Stanford,  in  memory  of  their  son.  Like 
the  state  university  it  is  open  to  members  of  both 
sexes.  Stanford  University  is  one  of  the  wealthi- 
est educational  institutions  in  the  world,  having  an 
endowment  of  over  twenty  millions  of  dollars. 
Nearly  two  thousand  students  are  in  attendance. 

Beside  these  two  great  universities  in  the  north- 
ern part  of  the  state  there  are  many  smaller  insti- 
tutions especially  in  the  south  which  are  doing 
work  of  a high  order.  The  University  of  South- 
ern California  was  founded  in  Los  Angeles  in 
1879  and  now  has  nine  colleges,  and  nearly  two 
thousand  students.  The  trustees  are  elected  by  the 
Southern  California  Annual  Conference  of  the 


Social  Progress 


851 


Methodist  Episcopal  Church.  Occidental  Col- 
lege is  also  located  in  Los  Angeles.  It  was 
founded  in  1887  under  the  auspices  of  the  Pres- 
byterian Church.  Its  student  body  numbers  about 
four  hundred.  Throop  Polytechnic  Institute  was 
founded  at  Pasadena  in  1891,  by  Amos  G. 
Throop.  Its  activities  are  devoted  to  instruction 
in  the  higher  branches  of  electrical,  mechanical, 
and  civil  engineering.  Its  student  body  is  quite 
small  but  its  standard  of  work  very  high.  About 
forty  miles  out  of  Los  Angeles  at  Clare- 
mont is  located  Pomona  College.  This  college 
was  founded  in  1888  under  the  direction  of  the 
Congregational  Church.  It  has  grown  to  be  an 
excellent  institution  of  nearly  five  hundred  stu- 
dents. To  these  smaller  educational  centers  there 
has  been  added  as  late  as  1909  the  University  of 
Redlands  at  that  city.  This  new  institution  is 
fostered  by  the  Baptists  of  California  and,  with 
three  colleges,  has  already  a student  enrollment 
of  about  two  hundred. 

In  connection  with  these  institutions  for  gen- 
eral educational  purposes  must  be  mentioned  the 
Lick  Observatory  at  Mount  Hamilton,  the  foun- 
dation of  James  Lick;  and  the  Carnegie  Astro- 
Physical  Observatory  at  Mount  Wilson  endowed 
by  Andrew  Carnegie.  These  are  two  of  the  great- 
est observatories  in  the  United  States  and  their 
work  is  closely  watched  by  scientists  all  over  the 
world. 


352  The  Story  of  California 

California’s  literary  history,  like  her  political 
and  social  history,  has  pursued  its  course  more  or 
less  independent  of  the  rest  of  the  country.  The 
first  California  literature  consisted  of  books  of 
travel  by  almost  every  stranger  who  visited  the 
Pacific  Coast.  The  principal  characteristic  of 
most  of  these  works  is  their  exaggeration.  The 
first  local  literary  efforts  were  in  newspaper  work. 
The  first  paper  was  published  at  Monterey  by 
Robert  Semple  and  William  Colton  in  1846,  im- 
mediately after  the  conquest.  The  Californian 
as  it  was  called  was  somewhat  hampered  by  the 
lack  of  “ w ”s  in  the  alphabet,  which  had  been 
brought  in  by  the  Spanish.  The  attempt  to  over- 
come this  difficulty  by  the  use  of  two  “ v ”s  gives 
some  of  the  words  an  odd  appearance.  The  Cali- 
fornia Star  was  established  at  San  Francisco  in 
1847  by  Samuel  Brannan.  In  1849  these  two 
papers  were  combined  to  form  the  Alta  California 
which  was  the  great  paper  of  San  Francisco  dur- 
ing the  gold  days,  and  whose  files  contain  much  of 
the  vital  history  of  the  state. 

The  picturesque  life  of  the  mining  days  fur- 
nished material  for  the  next  epoch  of  California 
literature.  This  epoch  was  a prolific  one  and  the 
tales  of  the  gold  camps  which  were  disseminated 
in  this  way  are  marvelous  to  hear.  The  picture 
they  have  left  of  those  stirring  times  is  no  less 
exaggerated  than  the  early  (and  even  some  of  the 
more  recent)  descriptions  of  California.  The 


Social  Progress  353 

people  of  the  mines  were  common  people  from  all 
parts  of  the  world.  The  life  of  the  mines  may 
have  had  its  effect  on  their  character,  but  the 
dialect  and  actions  imputed  to  them  by  some  wri- 
ters are  impossible. 

The  next  epoch,  if  it  can  be  so  called,  took  as 
its  subject  matter  the  life  of  the  Hispano-Califor- 
nians.  The  picturesque  romances  of  those  days 
have  become  favorite  themes  for  many  charming 
stories  from  numerous  pens.  These,  except  for 
their  idealizing  of  the  conditions  which  existed  at 
that  time,  have  the  merit  of  being  more  accurate 
in  their  description  of  the  life  of  the  period.  To 
this  epoch,  though  it  deals  with  the  sad  end  of 
Hispano-California,  may  be  assigned  what  is 
probably  the  most  widely  read  of  all  books  about 
California,  Helen  Hunt  Jackson’s  Ramona. 

Recent  California  literature  has  become  both 
broader  and  deeper  than  heretofore.  Books  of 
more  serious  import  are  appearing.  Valuable 
works  of  historical  and  philosophical  importance 
are  being  published  from  time  to  time  by  Cali- 
fornia authors.  The  state  is  also  the  home  of 
several  colonies  of  prominent  authors  of  fiction 
and  lighter  sociological  works. 

In  art  and  music,  too,  much  is  being  done  of  re- 
cent years.  Painters  have  found  that  the  coasts 
and  mountains  of  California  furnish  subjects  in 
never  ending  variety.  The  mission  ruins  and  the 
life  of  the  southwest  Indians  have  also  been 


354 


The  Story  of  California 


favorite  subjects.  In  music  much  the  same  cul- 
ture is  found  that  prevails  in  eastern  cities.  San 
Francisco  and  Los  Angeles  have  their  grand 
opera  seasons,  and  symphony  orchestras  and 
choral  clubs  fill  out  the  musical  year. 

While  California  must  of  necessity,  because  of 
her  youth,  lack  much  of  the  completeness  in  small 
details  of  her  eastern  sisters,  of  her  great  achieve- 
ments she  may  be  justly  proud.  Her  keynote  is 
vastness,  and  in  describing  her  characteristics  it 
is  constantly  necessary  to  employ  the  superlative. 
The  doing  well  of  the  large  things  must  in  time 
accomplish  the  doing  thoroughly  of  the  smaller 
things. 


CHAPTER  XXX 

THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  CITIES 

A/l  ORE  than  one  half  of  the  people  of  Califor- 
* nia  live  in  the  cities  about  San  Francisco 
Bay,  Los  Angeles,  San  Diego,  and  Sacramento. 
While  the  development  of  the  agricultural  dis- 
tricts of  the  state  has  been  phenomenal,  the  great- 
est growth  in  population  during  the  last  three  dec- 
ades of  tremendous  advancement  has  been  in 
these  centers.  This  may  be  ascribed  in  part  to 
the  tendency  toward  city  life  which  is  perceptible 
all  over  the  country  but  in  greater  measure  to  the 
development  of  California’s  commercial  side  as 
distinguished  from  the  increase  of  production. 
In  order  to  understand  the  California  of  today 
it  is  desirable  therefore  to  review  the  growth  of 
the  cities. 

There  are  a number  of  smaller  cities  which  are 
worthy  of  mention  but  to  which  much  space  can- 
not be  given  here.  El  Centro  is  the  growing  cen- 
ter of  the  great  Imperial  Valley  on  the  southeast. 
Riverside  and  Redlands  are  located  in  the  south- 
ern orange-growing  districts.  San  Bernardino  is 
a large  interior  railroad  center.  Pasadena  is  one 
of  the  most  beautiful  residence  cities  in  the  world. 
Bakersfield,  the  largest  city  in  the  great  oilfields 

355 


356 


The  Story  of  California 


of  the  San  Joaquin  Valley,  is  one  of  the  busiest 
cities  in  the  state.  Fresno  is  the  center  of  a vast 
fertile  agricultural  area.  Stockton  and  Marys- 
ville are  the  interior  distributing  centers  for  the 
river  traffic  of  California’s  two  great  rivers.  San 
Jose  is  the  commercial  center  of  the  beautiful  and 
exceedingly  fertile  Santa  Clara  VaHey.  Eureka, 
on  Humboldt  Bay  in  the  northern  part  of  the 
state  is  one  of  the  largest  lumber  shipping  ports 
in  the  world. 

The  neighborhood  of  Sacramento,  now  the 
capital  of  the  state,  was  an  important  place  in  Cali- 
fornia even  in  pre-American  days.  Sutter’s  Fort 
was  the  rendezvous  for  thousands  of  immigrants 
to  the  state.  But  its  atmosphere  was  that  of  a 
rural  trading  center.  The  gold  discovery  made 
it  for  a time  the  focus  of  the  attention  of  the 
world  and  the  busiest  place  in  California.  Two 
new  towns,  Sacramento  and  Sutterville,  were 
started  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  because  of 
disagreements  between  Sutter  and  his  son  and 
neighbors.  Each  of  the  three  places  struggled  for 
the  supremacy  for  several  years,  Sacramento 
finally  winning  it.  The  river  traffic  increased. 
Regular  service  was  established  in  August,  1849. 
By  May  of  1850  there  were  eighty-five  sea  going 
vessels  moored  in  the  stream  off  Sacramento’s 
wharves.  The  new  town  had  begun  to  grow. 
But  before  it  became  a great  city  it  must  have  its 
baptism  of  suffering.  Soon  after  it  was  founded 


The  Growth  of  the  Cities  357 

cholera  took  a terrible  toll  from  the  number  of  its 
inhabitants. 

Floods  have  always  been  Sacramento’s  great- 
est scourge.  The  first  one  occurred  in  the 
winter  of  1849-50.  Four-fifths  of  the  city  lay 
under  water  and  boats  were  the  only  means  of 
transportation  on  many  of  the  streets.  To  meet 
and  guard  against  a recurrence  of  this  disaster 
a levee  was  built.  While  this  ameliorated  con- 
ditions to  a great  extent  it  was  not  sufficient  to 
prevent  a repetition  of  large  losses  from  floods  in 
1852,  1853  and  1861.  Fire  also  did  its  part  in 
retarding  the  building  of  the  city.  In  1852  over 
five  million  dollars  worth  of  property  was  de- 
stroyed by  this  means.  Sacramento  profited  by  her 
experience,  however,  and  took  effectual  measures 
to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  losses  from  this  cause. 

The  city  also  had  its  social  disturbances.  Un- 
principled men  stirred  up  squatter  riots,  alleging 
a flaw  in  Sutter’s  title  to  the  land.  These  were 
soon  put  down,  but  the  disorder  and  the  floods 
brought  on  a commercial  depression  which  re- 
sulted in  more  rioting  and  disorder.  Sacramento 
had  its  Vigilance  Committee  in  1851  and  two 
murderers  were  hanged.  In  1854  a Chinese  war 
occurred  which  marked  the  beginning  of  the  more 
violent  outbreaks  against  the  unfortunate  mem- 
bers of  that  race.  This  was  followed  by  an  era 
of  political  corruption  similar  to  that  which  raged 
in  San  Francisco  in  the  fifties. 


358 


The  Story  of  California 

After  much  perambulating  the  state  capital 
finally  came  to  Sacramento  to  make  its  permanent 
home  in  1854.  The  capitol  building  was  com- 
pleted in  1869.  About  the  same  time  the  great 
railroad  shops  were  located  at  the  capital  and 
these  two  acquisitions  gave  a permanent  stability 
to  the  city.  It  is  the  main  distributing  center  for 
the  great  interior  valleys  and  has  grown  steadily, 
but  has  not  taken  part  in  the  recent  phenomenal 
increase  in  population  which  has  distinguished  the 
other  urban  centers  of  the  state. 

San  Diego  was  the  first  settlement  in  California. 
After  the  conquest  its  population  dwindled;  it 
lost  its  charter  in  1852,  and  in  1867  had  but  a 
dozen  inhabitants.  In  that  year  A.  E.  Horton,  a 
land  promotor,  laid  out  a new  city  about  three 
miles  south  of  the  old  one.  Within  three  years 
the  population  had  grown  to  2,300,  and  in  1872 
the  city  was  reincorporated.  The  next  year  it 
was  made  a port  of  entry.  This  prosperity  was 
as  short  lived  as  it  was  sudden,  however,  and  was 
followed  by  a crash  from  which  it  took  the  city 
ten  years  to  recover.  In  1884  the  Santa  Fe  rail- 
road system  reached  the  port  and  since  then  there 
has  been  good  progress.  During  the  last  ten 
years  San  Diego  has  kept  pace  with  Los  Angeles 
and  San  Francisco  in  her  rate  of  growth. 

The  harbor  of  San  Diego  is  a beautiful  one  and 
next  to  that  of  San  Francisco  is  the  best  natural 
harbor  on  the  California  coast.  It  has  an  area 


The  Growth  of  the  Cities 


859 


of  about  twenty-two  square  miles.  The  United 
States  has  spent  upwards  of  a million  dollars  in 
harbor  improvements.  It  is  both  a naval  and 
military  depot.  The  commercial  prosperity  of 
the  city  is  based  not  only  on  its  harbor  facilities 
but  also  upon  the  citrus  and  grape  production  of 
its  back  country,  and  the  manufacture  and  dis- 
tribution of  lumber.  The  Panama-California  Ex- 
position is  to  be  held  at  San  Diego  during  1915, 
contemporaneously  with  the  Panama-Pacific  Ex- 
position at  San  Francisco. 

Until  the  discovery  of  gold  in  1848,  the  history 
of  Los  Angeles  was  the  history  of  California. 
When  the  lure  of  gold  brought  thousands  of  peo- 
ple to  the  northern  parts  of  the  state,  the  southern 
part  was  affected  only  slightly.  There  was  no 
gold  in  that  region,  and  from  the  fact  that  the 
Mexicans  were  not  engaged  in  agricultural  pur- 
suits, the  Americans  concluded  that  the  dry  look- 
ing lands  of  the  south  were  not  fit  for  cultivation. 
So  Los  Angeles,  the  center  of  this  district,  experi- 
enced very  little  activity  during  the  next  thirty 
years  and  until  1880  remained  a Spanish-Amer- 
ican  town.  During  the  first  twenty  of  these  thirty 
years  it  was  probably  the  toughest  town  in  the 
United  States.  The  activity  of  vigilance  commit- 
tees formed  of  Americans  in  the  northern  cities 
drove  many  desperate  characters  to  Los  Angeles 
where  the  idle  and  shiftless  Mexican  population 
were  more  inclined  to  brawl  with  them  than  to 


360 


The  Story  of  California 


make  any  determined  effort  to  rid  the  town  of  their 
presence.  The  massacre  of  nineteen  Chinamen  in 
one  evening  already  referred  to  was  the  culmina- 
tion of  this  era  of  crime,  the  record  of  which  is 
even  blacker  than  San  Francisco’s. 

The  year  1880  marks  the  beginning  of  the 
growth  of  the  present  city.  The  Southern  Pac- 
ific Railway  from  San  Francisco  was  completed 
in  1876,  after  it  had  received  a donation  of  $610,- 
000  and  sixty  acres  of  land  for  a terminal  from  the 
city  as  a bonus.  The  arrival  of  the  road  gave  a 
great  impetus  to  the  growth  of  the  city.  At  the 
same  time  the  agricultural  possibilities  of  the  sur- 
rounding land  were  beginning  to  be  appreciated. 
This  led  to  increased  development  of  the  back 
country,  and  when  the  Santa  Fe  Railroad  was  com- 
pleted and  began  operating  in  1885,  there  ensued 
the  great  boom  of  Los  Angeles.  This  lasted  for 
three  years  during  which  the  city  experienced  a 
phenomenal  activity  in  all  lines.  While  the  boom 
features  disappeared  in  1888  the  city  did  not  suf- 
fer from  any  stagnation  and  financial  break  such 
as  usually  follows  a boom  period,  but  continued 
a large  and  steady  growth. 

This  growth  has  continued  in  ever  increasing 
proportions  until  the  present  day,  and  the  end  is 
not  yet  in  sight.  The  population  of  the  city  has 
increased  from  about  twelve  thousand  in  1880  to 
nearly  half  a million  in  1912,  and  in  every  phase 
the  physical  appearance  and  the  commercial  life 


The  Growth  of  the  Cities 


361 


of  the  city  have  kept  pace  with  its  population. 
The  amount  of  building  in  Los  Angeles  is  reg- 
ularly exceeded  by  only  two  or  three  cities  in  the 
United  States.  There  are  no  slums,  and  avenues 
of  homes  reach  for  miles  in  every  direction  from 
the  business  center.  Los  Angeles  is  surrounded  by 
a group  of  smaller  cities  and  beach  towns  whose 
life  is  intimately  connected  with  that  of  the  com- 
mercial center. 

Fearing  a water  famine,  if  the  tremendous  in- 
crease in  population  continued,  Los  Angeles  in 
1907  voted  a bond  issue  of  $23,000,000  to  con- 
struct an  aqueduct  to  bring  the  waters  of  Owens 
River  in  the  high  Sierras  of  Inyo  county  to  the 
gates  of  the  city,  a distance  of  209  miles.  This 
enormous  undertaking  has  been  carried  on  entirely 
by  the  city  and  so  far  has  been  a model  of  effi- 
cient management.  Many  records  have  been 
broken  in  its  construction  and  it  is  expected  that 
it  will  be  completed  before  the  estimated  time. 
It  will  furnish  the  city  with  sufficient  water  for  a 
population  of  two  million  or  more  people. 

Another  great  undertaking  of  the  people  of 
Los  Angeles  is  the  development  of  a harbor. 
Not  blessed  with  such  natural  facilities  as  have 
made  San  Francisco  and  San  Diego  famous,  Los 
Angeles  has  undertaken  the  improvement  of  the 
opportunities  which  she  has  on  a scale  sufficiently 
grand  to  rival  these  two  great  natural  ports  with 
an  artificial  one.  San  Pedro,  the  site  of  this  har- 


362 


The  Story  of  California 


bor,  first  began  to  be  used  regularly  as  a port  in 
the  decade  1820-1830.  Much  country  produce 
was  shipped  here,  and  there  were  even  small  at- 
tempts at  ship-building  as  early  as  1831.  In  the 
forties  San  Pedro  was  considered  one  of  the 
three  principal  seaports  of  California,  the  others 
being  San  Diego  and  Monterey.  Abel  Stearns,  an 
American,  had  a warehouse  at  San  Pedro  and  was 
several  times  accused  of  smuggling.  As  that  was 
the  only  way  in  which  one  could  trade  in  those  days 
there  is  little  doubt  but  that  the  charges  were  true. 
He  was  the  principal  trader  of  early  San  Pedro 
if  not  of  Los  Angeles. 

This  early  trade  came  to  San  Pedro  in  spite 
of  the  recognized  disadvantages  of  that  place  as 
a harbor.  These  disadvantages  have  now  been 
largely  eliminated.  The  outer  harbor  is  pro- 
tected by  a breakwater  nearly  two  miles  in  length, 
which  was  erected  by  the  Federal  government  at 
an  expense  of  over  $3,000,000.  This  creates  a 
protected  area  of  575  acres.  The  wharfage  is  in 
the  inner  harbor  at  Wilmington.  Both  the  Fed- 
eral government  and  the  city  of  Los  Angeles  (of 
which  both  San  Pedro  and  Wilmington  have  been 
a part  since  1910)  are  engaged  in  improving  this 
portion  of  the  harbor.  The  government  has  al- 
ready spent  $2,000,000  here,  and  the  city  is 
pledged  to  spend  $10,000,000  more.  The  total 
frontage  when  completed  will  be  about  forty-seven 
miles.  This  great  artificial  harbor  which  will  be- 


363 


The  Growth  of  the  Cities 

come  the  center  of  greatly  increased  commercial 
activity  with  the  opening  of  the  Panama  Canal,  is 
already  the  largest  lumber  port  in  the  world. 

San  Francisco  has  so  far  retained  her  position 
won  in  the  days  of  gold  as  the  metropolis  of  the 
Pacific  Coast.  In  Spanish  and  Mexican  times 
San  Francisco  Mission  and  Yerba  Buena  were 
among  the  least  important  places  in  California. 
San  Rafael  Mission  was  originally  planned  as  a 
new  home  for  the  entire  colony.  Some  ships  oc- 
casionally entered  the  harbor,  but  Monterey  was 
the  port  of  the  north  and  the  commerce  of  San 
Francisco  was  small  indeed.  Yerba  Buena  in  1840 
contained  only  about  a half-dozen  houses.  Los 
Angeles  at  that  time  had  about  1,800  inhabitants. 
La  Place  described  Yerba  Buena  as  “ nothing  but 
fogs,  fleas,  wind,  and  sterility.”  Five  years  later 
the  village  had  acquired  about  twenty  houses  and 
about  125  inhabitants.  Her  commerce  was  begin- 
ning to  grow  on  a small  scale  but  no  one  ever 
thought  of  her  as  the  equal  of  Monterey,  San 
Pedro,  or  San  Diego. 

By  1846,  however,  Yerba  Buena  had  begun 
to  foreshadow  its  future  greatness  as  a commer- 
cial metropolis.  The  Americans  who  were  coming 
into  the  country  recognized  what  the  Spaniards  and 
Mexicans  never  realized,  that  the  bay  was  one  of 
the  greatest  harbors  in  the  world.  Many  of  the 
newcomers  settled  there.  It  was  more  American 
in  its  atmosphere  than  any  other  place  in  Cali- 


864 


The  Story  of  California 


fornia  at  that  time.  In  1847  a city  was  founded 
across  the  bay  and  christened  Francesco.  The 
new  spirit  in  Yerba  Buena,  quick  to  see  the  advan- 
tage of  the  name  in  connection  with  that  of  the 
bay,  changed  the  name  of  the  old  Mexican  village 
to  San  Francisco.  This  was  done  by  decree  of  the 
alcalde.  Francesco  later  became  Benicia. 

With  the  announcement  to  the  world  of  the 
discovery  of  gold  in  California  began  San  Fran- 
cisco’s wonderful  growth  and  her  days  of  trial. 
She  was  the  chief  gateway  to  the  mines,  and  the 
thousands  of  gold-seekers  from  all  parts  of  the 
world  surged  into  the  little  struggling  village  of 
a thousand  people.  Naturally  the  accommodations 
offered  to  these  uninvited  guests  were  somewhat 
questionable  in  character.  Any  shed  was  good 
enough  for  a lodging  house.  The  sides  were 
lined  with  bunks  and  the  tenant  furnished  his  own 
bedclothes.  But  even  these  inhospitable  quarters 
were  comfortable  in  comparison  with  what  most 
of  the  new  arrivals  had  endured  on  shipboard. 

The  prices  of  city  lots  which  could  serve  as  the 
location  for  any  kind  of  a hostelry  or  house  of 
entertainment  soared  to  unbelievable  figures. 
Auction  sales  assisted  in  this  elevation  of  values. 
But  few  if  any  of  the  buyers  yet  realized  that 
there  was  any  permanent  greatness  in  store  for 
San  Francisco.  They  merely  bought  to  seize  the 
profit  of  the  moment  in  erecting  the  cheapest  of 
buildings  for  the  accommodation  of  the  gold  seek- 


The  Growth  of  the  Cities 


365 


ers.  Everything  about  the  city  was  done  in  a 
flimsy  and  temporary  manner.  Streets  were  un- 
paved and  even  ungraded.  There  were  no  side- 
walks and  the  mud  was  so  deep  in  the  winter  of 
1849  t^lat  many  animals  were  left  to  their  fate  and 
even  human  bodies  were  afterward  found  in  the 
mire. 

Dwellings  were  mere  shells,  often  of  canvas, 
rubber,  or  even  cotton  cloth.  The  business  build- 
ings were  of  wood  and  of  such  construction  as 
made  them  an  easy  prey  to  fire.  A fire  once 
started,  there  was  no  way  to  stop  its  progress,  and 
there  were  no  doubt  men  in  the  city  who  were 
entirely  willing  to  start  one  in  the  hope  of  profit- 
ing by  the  confusion.  At  any  rate  it  was  not  long 
before  one  occurred.  The  day  before  Christmas 
in  1849  the  “First  Great  Fire”  swept  down 
Kearny  and  Washington  Streets,  destroying  prop- 
erty valued  at  $500,000. 

The  houses  were  restored,  but  in  the  same 
flimsy  and  inflammable  manner  as  before,  and  less 
than  five  months  after  the  first  fire,  May  4,  1850, 
a second  swept  away  the  business  portion  of  the 
city  with  a loss  of  $3,000,000.  The  third  fire 
followed  in  less  than  six  weeks  leaving  a second 
loss  of  $3,000,000.  This  time  it  was  more 
serious  for  it  attacked  the  residence  portion  of 
the  city  and  thousands  were  left  homeless.  This 
catastrophe  awakened  the  people  of  the  city  to 
a realization  of  the  necessity  of  preventing  the 


866 


The  Story  of  California 


recurrence  of  such  losses.  Many  improvements 
were  attempted  but  they  made  headway  very 
slowly  at  first.  Cloth  houses  and  tents  were  pro- 
hibited within  the  fire  limits.  Redwood  was  used 
in  its  place.  Attempts  were  made  to  fill  the  ditches 
and  grade  the  streets.  Houses  were  propped  up 
on  the  high  embankments  left  by  the  grading. 
September  17,  1850,  the  fourth  great  fire  oc- 
curred. The  loss  this  time  was  not  so  great  as 
in  the  two  previous  fires.  It  hastened  the  work 
of  improvement  but  it  was  not  completed  in  time 
to  prevent  the  fifth  great  fire,  May  4,  1851. 
This  burned  out  the  heart  of  the  city,  destroying 
a thousand  houses  and  many  lives.  The  property 
loss  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  $10,000,000. 
The  number  of  lives  lost  is  unknown. 

The  work  of  improvement  went  on,  but  one 
more  fire  was  to  help  impress  the  inhabitants  of 
the  city  with  the  need  of  more  substantial  materials 
for  building  construction.  This  occurred  June  22, 
1851.  After  that  buildings  of  brick  and  granite 
began  to  make  their  appearance,  and  San  Fran- 
cisco until  1906  was  able  to  confine  fires  to  small 
areas  as  other  cities  have  generally  succeeded  in 
doing.  Only  the  wealth  from  the  mines  enabled 
the  city  to  withstand  these  repeated  blows.  The 
rumors  of  incendiary  origin  of  these  fires  was  one 
of  the  things  which  led  to  the  formation  of  the 
Vigilance  Committee  of  1851. 

To  add  to  the  burdens  of  the  suffering  city 


The  Growth  of  the  Cities 


367 


crooked  politics  early  began  to  show  its  head.  As 
early  as  the  winter  of  1848-49  two  councils,  both 
claiming  to  be  legitimate,  struggled  for  supremacy. 
The  dispute  lasted  for  six  months  while  the  state 
itself  had  no  government  and  the  dissension  op- 
ened wide  the  door  to  lawlessness.  The  riff-raff 
of  the  New  York  Volunteers  and  other  kindred 
spirits  formed  a society  for  the  advancement  of 
crime  under  the  name  of  the  “ Hounds,”  which 
was  afterwards  euphemized  to  “ Regulators.” 
The  headquarters  of  this  organization  was  a 
tent  bearing  the  significant  name  of  “ Tammany 
Hall.” 

The  drinking  and  brawling  among  this  idle  lot 
of  vagabonds  and  desperadoes  led  to  insufferable 
political  corruption,  race  riots,  and  unbridled 
crime.  The  manner  in  which  a city  council,  ow- 
ing its  place  largely  to  such  influences  as  these, 
squandered  the  city’s  money  is  almost  unbeliev- 
able. As  the  culmination  of  their  breach  of  trust 
they  voted  to  each  alderman  a salary  of  $6,000 
and  to  the  mayor  $10,000  and  paid  it.  The  man- 
ner in  which  the  decent  citizens  of  the  community, 
no  longer  able  to  bear  with  such  crime  and  cor- 
ruption, arose,  formed  themselves  together  in  the 
extra-legal  body  known  as  the  Vigilance  Commit- 
tee, and  wrested  the  city  from  the  control  of  the 
bandits  has  already  been  described. 

After  the  disturbances  caused  by  the  Kearney 
riots  of  1877,  San  Francisco  settled  down  to  a 


368 


The  Story  of  California 


steady  growth  in  commerce  and  in  construction 
which  was  accompanied  by  nothing  more  exciting 
than  the  ordinary  municipal  routine.  Her  splen- 
did bay,  containing  420  square  miles  of  land-locked 
water,  affords  anchorage  sufficient  for  the  navies 
of  the  world.  The  waterfront  has  been  improved 
and  developed  by  the  state  and  is  under  the  con- 
trol of  Harbor  Commissioners  appointed  by  the 
governor.  The  other  harbors  in  the  state  have 
been  built  by  the  cities  themselves.  In  1894  the 
California  Midwinter  International  Exposition 
was  held  in  Golden  Gate  Park.  The  acquisition 
of  the  Philippine  Islands  in  1898  opened  to  San 
Francisco  a new  outlook  upon  the  growing  trade 
of  the  Pacific  and  the  commerce  of  the  Orient. 
She  rapidly  took  advantage  of  her  opportunity, 
and  her  prosperity  and  happiness  were  known  in 
all  quarters  of  the  globe. 

“ God  help  the  city  if  any  great  catastrophe 
of  this  nature  [earthquake]  should  ever  take 
place!  Her  huge  granite  and  brick  palaces,  of 
four,  five,  and  six  stories  in  height,  would  indeed 
make  a prodigious  crash,  more  ruinous  both  to 
life  and  property  than  even  the  dreadful  fires  of 
1 849,  1850  and  1851.  This  is  the  greatest,  if  not 
the  only  possible  obstacle  of  consequence  to  the 
growing  prosperity  of  the  city,  though  even  such 
a lamentable  event  as  the  total  destruction  of  half 
the  place  like  another  Quito  or  Caracas  would 
speedily  be  remedied  by  the  indomitable  energy 


The  Growth  of  the  Cities 


369 


and  persevering  industry  of  the  American  char- 
acter.” This  paragraph  appears  in  the  Annals  of 
San  Francisco  published  in  1855.  What  a 
prophecy ! 

While  the  city  was  on  the  very  crest  of  its  great 
wave  of  prosperity  and  happiness,  came  the  great 
earthquake  which  laid  her  pride  in  the  dust.  At 
thirteen  minutes  after  five  o’clock  on  the  morning 
of  Wednesday,  April  18,  1906,  the  inhabitants  of 
the  city  were  awakened  from  their  sleep  by  the 
ominous  rumble  which  heralds  the  earthquake. 
Those  who  had  lived  in  San  Francisco  or  other 
parts  of  California  for  any  period  of  time  thought 
nothing  of  it  at  first.  They  had  experienced  many 
temblors  and  they  held  no  more  of  terror  for 
them  than  the  thunderstorm  holds  for  the  aver- 
age citizen  of  the  eastern  states.  But  it  was  soon 
seen  that  this  was  no  slight  temblor.  Houses 
tumbled,  buildings  fell,  screams  of  men  and  women 
in  agony  rent  the  air,  and  it  took  but  a few  min- 
utes for  all  to  realize  that  a great  catastrophe 
was  upon  them. 

Those  who  remained  unhurt  turned  at  once  to 
the  work  of  rescue  but  they  had  hardly  begun 
when  the  cry  of  “ Fire!  ” spread  through  the  city. 
Here  was  a new  foe  which  must  be  fought.  Calls 
came  in  from  all  parts  of  the  city  and  every  fire 
company  in  the  department  hastened  in  response. 
But  all  too  soon  the  terrible  truth  was  learned. 
The  earthquake  had  destroyed  the  water  mains 


370 


The  Story  of  California 


and  there  was  no  water  with  which  to  fight  the 
fast  spreading  flames. 

Sullenly  and  doggedly  the  people  retired  be- 
fore this  foe  which  could  not  be  fought.  Taking 
what  of  their  worldly  goods  was  most  precious, 
they  sought  the  neighboring  hills  and  silently 
watched  their  fair  city  go  down  in  ruin  before  the 
advancing  flames.  For  three  days  the  city  was 
a mass  of  fire  and  long  after  it  had  burnt  out 
was  too  hot  to  be  entered.  Practically  the  entire 
business  section  and  many  adjacent  districts  were 
destroyed.  The  total  property  loss  approached 
five  hundred  million  dollars,  the  greatest  catas- 
trophe of  its  kind  in  history. 

But  it  was  not  the  money  loss  which  was  first 
to  be  considered.  Over  two  hundred  thousand 
people  were  homeless.  These  camped  in  the  parks 
and  the  military  reservations,  where  conditions 
soon  became  indescribable.  There  were  no  sani- 
tary arrangements  for  this  vast  horde,  and  disease 
and  plague  would  have  followed  fast  on  the  heels 
of  earthquake  and  fire.  The  towns  immediately 
surrounding  were  as  helpless  as  the  metropolis. 
From  these  no  aid  could  be  expected.  But  from 
the  more  remote  parts  of  the  state  at  first  and 
later  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  relief  trains 
were  sent  in.  Food,  clothing,  shelters,  medicines 
and  dressings,  were  supplied  with  a lavish  hand 
by  a sympathetic  people.  The  terrible  situation 
was  relieved  and  the  suffering  alleviated.  This 


SAN  FRANCISCO  AFTER  THE  EARTHQUAKE  AND  FIRE  OF  1906 


■ < 


The  Growth  of  the  Cities 


371 


done,  the  question  immediately  followed,  “ What 
of  the  future  ? ” 

Before  the  answer  to  this  question  is  read,  how- 
ever, the  nature  of  this  great  earthquake  deserves 
consideration.  Beside  the  frequent  temblors  which 
are  merely  the  subject  of  passing  remark  by  the 
people  of  California,  there  have  been  four  earth- 
quakes previous  to  that  of  1906  which  have  proved 
destructive  to  life  and  property  in  the  state. 
These  occurred  in  1812,  1839,  1865,  and  in 
1868.  The  latter  caused  five  deaths  and  destroyed 
several  old  houses. 

The  earthquake  of  1906  was  not  volcanic,  but 
was  due  to  the  giving  way  of  the  crust  of  the 
earth  under  the  strain  of  too  great  pressure.  The 
rift  began  in  the  sea  off  Cape  Mendocino.  It 
entered  the  land  just  above  Punta  Arena  and 
followed  the  shore  line  to  Chittenden  on  the  Pa- 
jaro  River.  The  vertical  shift  in  position  of  the 
earth  on  opposite  sides  of  this  rift  averaged  three 
to  four  feet  for  this  entire  distance  of  nearly  two 
hundred  miles.  The  horizontal  shift  was  from 
eight  to  fifteen  feet.  The  destructive  power  ex- 
hibited along  the  exact  line  of  the  fault  was  tre- 
mendous. The  greater  the  distance  from  this  line, 
the  less  noticeable  the  effect.  The  fault  line 
crossed  the  city  of  San  Francisco  and  in  the  soft 
sandy  soil  of  that  region  the  earthquake’s  power 
was  at  its  height. 

What  this  power  could  do  as  against  the  works 


372  The  Story  of  California 

of  man’s  hand  it  took  but  a few  minutes  to  demon- 
strate. Five  hundred  and  fourteen  city  blocks  lay 
in  ruins  and  the  prey  of  the  flames.  Three  thou- 
sand acres  of  ground  in  the  center  of  the  city  were 
a mass  of  red-hot  bricks  and  twisted  steel.  Twen- 
ty-eight thousand  buildings  crashed  to  the  ground 
or  were  brought  down  by  the  flames.  About  half 
of  these  were  commercial  buildings;  the  remainder 
were  dwellings. 

“ What  of  the  future?  ” Many  of  those  who 
read  of  the  frightful  destruction  shook  their  heads 
and  sadly  prophesied  that  San  Francisco  would 
never  again  rise  from  her  ruins.  But  the  San 
Franciscan  who  gazed  upon  the  smouldering 
wreck  of  his  city,  then  and  there  made  up  his  mind. 
The  city  must  be  rebuilt.  He  would  not  desert. 
Even  in  the  midst  of  shock  and  flame,  the  San 
Franciscans  could  be  heard  calling  each  other’s 
attention  to  features  of  the  old  city  which  must 
be  avoided  in  the  new.  Before  the  ruins  had 
cooled,  placards  appeared.  “ Don’t  talk  earth- 
quake, talk  business.”  The  first  contract  for  a 
large  building  was  signed  within  six  days  after  the 
disaster. 

And  to  the  faithfulness  with  which  the  San 
Franciscan  carried  out  his  determination,  the  San 
Francisco  of  today  is  a splendid  monument.  Men 
who  had  money  poured  it  into  the  work  of  re- 
building. Laborers  flocked  into  the  city.  Capi- 
talists and  labor  unionists  joined  hands  to  restore, 


The  Growth  of  the  Cities 


373 


in  such  form  that  another  earthquake  would  not 
find  them  unprepared,  the  great  business  centers 
of  the  city.  In  three  years,  almost  every  scar  was 
gone.  A new  and  greater  city  was  where  the  old 
had  stood.  The  re-building  of  San  Francisco  is 
unparalleled  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

And  the  city  did  not  stop  with  restoration.  She 
has  continued  to  grow  from  that  day  to  this  and 
is  apparently  on  the  eve  of  an  even  greater  de- 
velopment. Her  eight  miles  of  wharfage  is  be- 
ing extended  and  is  to  be  further  extended  at  an 
expense  of  $25,000,000,  to  accommodate  the  in- 
creased traffic  which  is  expected  from  the  growth 
of  Oriental  commerce  and  the  opening  of  the 
Panama  Canal.  To  commemorate  this  great 
event  which  promises  so  much  for  the  future  of 
the  city  which  but  seven  years  ago  lay  in  ruins, 
San  Francisco  has  invited  the  world  to  the 
Panama-Pacific  Exposition  to  be  held  in  1915.. 
At  that  time  thousands  of  those  who  predicted  for 
San  Francisco  the  fate  of  Pompeii  will  have  an 
opportunity  to  see  that  in  peoples  as  in  men  that 
which  is  impossible  for  old  age  can  be  done  by 
the  dynamic  force  of  spirited  youth. 


APPENDIX 


MISSIONS  AND  DATES  OF  FOUNDING 

July  1 6,  1769,  San  Diego  de  Alcala. 

June  3,  1770,  San  Carlos  Borromeo  de  Monterey. 

July  14,  1771,  San  Antonio  de  Padua. 

Sept.  8,  1771,  San  Gabriel  Arcangel. 

Sept.  1,  1772,  San  Luis  Obispo  de  Tolosa 
Oct.  30,  1775,  San  Juan  Capistrano*, 

Oct.  9,  1776,  San  Francisco  de  Asis  (or  Dolores). 

Jan.  12,  1777,  Santa  Clara. 

Mar.  31,  1782,  San  Buenaventura. 

Dec.  4,  1786,  Santa  Barbara. 

Dec.  8,  1787,  La  Purisima  Concepcion. 

Aug.  28,  1791,  Santa  Cruz. 

Oct.  9,  1791,  La  Soledad. 

June  II,  1797,  San  Jose. 

June  24,  1797,  San  Juan  Bautista. 

July  25,  1797,  San  Miguel  Arcangel. 

£ept.  8,  1797,  San  Fernando  Rey  de  Espana. 

June  13,  1798,  San  Luis  Rey  de  Francia. 

Sept.  17,  1804,  Santa  Ines. 

Dec.  14,  1817,  San  Rafael  Arcangel. 

July  4,  1823,  San  Francisco  Solano. 

MISSION  PRESIDENTS 

July  14,  1767  — Aug.  28,  1784,  Junipero  Serra. 

Aug.  28,  1784  — Sept.,  1785,  Francisco  Palou  (Act- 
ing). 


375 


376 


Appendix 


Sept.,  1785  — June26,i8o3, 


June  26,  1803 
Dec.,  1812- 
Nov.  22,  1815  • 
Apr.  i,  1820- 
Aug.  24,  1823  ■ 
Apr.,  1825- 
Sept.,  1827- 
June,  1831  - 
1838  - 


-Dec.,  1812, 
■ Nov.  22,  1815, 
-Apr.  1,1820, 
Aug.  24,  1823, 
-Apr.,  1823, 


■ Sept., 
June, 


1827, 

1831, 

1838, 

1846, 


Fermin  Francisco  de 
Lasuen. 

Estevan  Tapis. 

Jose  Senan. 

Mariano  Payeras. 

Jose  Senan. 

Francisco  Vicente  Sarria. 
Narciso  Duran. 

Jose  Bernardo  Sanchez. 
Narciso  Duran. 

Joaquin  Jimeno. 


PREFECTS 

FERNANDINE 

July,  1813 — Apr.  i,  1820,  Francisco  Vicente  Sarria. 
Apr.  1,  1820  — Apr.  28,  1823,  Mariano  Payeras. 

Apr.  28,  1823  — Aug.  24,  1823,  Jose  Senan. 

Aug.  24,  1823 — 1830,  Francisco  Vicente  Sar- 

ria (Acting). 

1830 — 1837,  Office  vacant. 

1837  — June  1 , 1 846,  N arciso  Duran. 

ZACATECAN 

Jan.  15,1833 — 1834,  Francisco  Garcia  Diego. 

1834  — Nov.  1838,  Rafael  Moreno. 

Nov.,  1838 — 1845,  Jesus  Gonzalez  Rubio. 

Note:  Many  dates  for  the  changes  in  these  offices  are 

missing,  especially  in  the  later  years. 


Appendix' 


377 


GOVERNORS  OF  CALIFORNIA 

SPANISH 

July  i , 1 769  — Mar.,  1 770,  Gaspar  de  Portola. 

Mar.  4,  1775,  Felipe  de  Barri. 

July  12,  1782,  Felipe  de  Neve. 

Apr.  16,  1790,  Pedro  Fages. 

Apr.  9,  1792,  Jose  Antonio  Romeu. 
May  14,  1794,  Jose  Joaquin  de  Arrillaga 
(Acting). 

Nov.  16,  1804,  Diego  de  Borica. 

July  24,  1814,  Jose  Joaquin  de  Arrillaga. 
Mar. 31,  1815,  Jose  E>ario  Arguello 
(Acting). 

Nov.  10,  1822,  Pablo  Vicente  de  Sola. 
MEXICAN 

Nov.,  1825,  Luis  Antonio  Arguello 
(Acting). 

Jan.  31,  1831,  Jose  Maria  Echeandia. 
Dec.  9,  18.31,  Manuel  Victoria. 

Jan.  15,  1833,  North — Agustm  V. 

Zamorano;  South  — 
Jose  Maria  Echeandia. 
Sept.  29,  1835,  Jose  Figueroa. 

Jan.  2,  1836,  Jose  Castro. 

May  3,  1836,  Nicolas  Gutierrez. 

Aug.  10,  1836,  Mariano  Chico. 

Nov.  5,  1836,  Nicolas  Gutierrez. 

Dec.  7,  1836,  Jose  Castro. 

Dec.  31,  1842,  Juan  Bautista  Alvarado. 
Feb.  22,  1845,  Manuel  Micheltorena. 


378 


Appendix 


July  7,  1846,  Pio  Pico. 

Jan.  11,  1847,  Jose  Maria  Flores. 

Jan.  13,  1847,  Andres  Pico. 

UNITED  STATES  MILITARY 

July  7,  1846  — July  29,  1846,  John  D.  Sloat. 

Jan.  19,  1847,  Robert  F.  Stockton. 

Feb.  23,  1847,  John  Charles  Fremont. 
May  31,  1847,  Stephen  W.  Kearny. 
Feb.  26,  1849,  Richard  B.  Mason. 

Apr.  12,  1849,  Persifor  F.  Smith. 

Dec.  20,  1849,  Bennet  Riley. 

GOVERNORS  OF  THE  STATE 

Dec.  20,  1849 — Jan.  9,  1851,  Peter  H.  Burnett.  D. 

Jan.  8,  1852,  John  McDougall.  D. 
Jan.  9,  1856,  John  Bigler.  D. 

Jan.  8,  1858,  John  Neely  Johnson. 
Amer. 

Jan.  9,  i860,  John  B.  Weller.  D. 
Jan.  14,  i860,  Milton  G.  Latham.  D. 
Jan.  18,  1862,  John  G.  Downey.  D. 
Dec.  10,  1863,  Leland  Stanford.  R. 
Dec.  5,  1867,  Frederick  F.  Low. 

Union. 

Dec.  8,  1871,  Henry  H.  Haight.  D. 
Feb.  27,  1875,  Newton  Booth.  R. 
Dec.  9,  1875,  Romualdo  Pacheco.  R. 
Jan.  8,  1880,  William  Irwin.  D. 
Jan.  10,  1883,  George  C.  Perkins.  R- 
Jan.  8,  1887,  George  Stoneman.  D. 


Appendix 


379 


Jan. 


Year 

1780 

1790 

1800, 

1810, 

1820 

1830 

1840 

1850, 

i860 

1870. 

1880. 

1890 

1900 

1910 


Sept.  13,  1887,  Washington  Bartlett.  D. 
Jan.  8,  1891,  Robert  W.  Waterman.  R. 
Jan.  1 1,  1895,  H.  H.  Markham.  R. 

Jan.  4,  1899,  James  H.  Budd.  D. 

Jan.  7,  1903,  Henry  T.  Gage.  R. 

Jan.  9,  1907,  George  C.  Pardee.  R. 
Jan.  3,  191 1,  James  N.  Gillett.  R. 

3,  1 9 1 1 — Hiram  W.  Johnson.  R. 

POPULATION  OF  STATE  BY  DECADES 


State 

San.  Fr. 

Los  Ang. 

Oakland 

San  Die. 

Sacram. 

46 

970 

140 

■2 1 c 

2,130 

365 

3.270 

615 

4.250 

300 

1,000* 

6,000 1 

280 

1,800* 

92,579 

34,000* 

1,610 

6,820 

379,994 

56,802 

4,399 

1,543 

731 

13,785 

560,247 

149,473 

5,614 

10,500* 

2,300* 

16,283 

864,694 

233,959 

11,183 

34,555 

2,637 

21,400 

1,208,130 

298,997 

50,395 

48,682 

16,159 

2-6,386 

1,485,053 

342,782 

102,479 

66,960 

17,700 

29,282 

2,377,549 

416,912 

319,198 

150,174 

39,578 

44,696 

* Estimated. 

t Estimated  from  figures  for 

1841. 

INDEX 


Aborigines,  1-16. 

Alarcon,  Hernando  de,  ex- 
plorer, 20. 

Alta  California,  The,  285,  352. 

Alvarado,  Juan  Bautista,  leads 
movement  for  independence, 
x 1 8 ; takes  Monterey  and  es- 
tablishes himself  as  governor, 
119,  120;  appointed  gov- 

ernor, 122. 

Americans,  coming  of,  164-175. 

American  Conquest,  the,  189- 


208.  « 

Anza,  Juan  Bautista  de,  «^ads 
settlers  to  California,  55,  56. 
Arguello,  Louis  Antonio,  gov- 
ernor, 85. 

Arrillaga,  acting  governor,  79; 
governor,  81. 


Barri,  Felipe  de,  governor,  75. 

Beale,  Lieutenant,  secures  aid 
for  Kearny,  201,  202. 

Bear  Flag  Revolution,  182-184, 
186;  its  effects,  187. 

Bear  Flag,  described,  183 ; 
gives  way  to  Star9  and 
Stripes,  194;  talk  of  re-rais- 
ing, 258. 


Bidwell,  John,  story  of  his  par- 
ty’s trip  to  California,  165- 
169. 

Bigler,  Governor,  attack  on 
Chinese,  287,  289. 

Borica,  Diego  de,  governor,  79 ; 
views  of  California,  80;  re- 
signs, 8 1. 

Bouchard’s  raid,  82,  83. 

Broderick,  Senator  David  C., 
killed  in  duel,  318. 

Brown,  John,  brings  news  of 
uprising,  196. 

Bulletin,  The  Daily,  251. 

Bur^ngame  Treaty,  292,  293. 

Burnett,  Peter  H.,  helps  form 
government,  236;  governor, 
240. 

Cabrillo,  arrival  at  San  Diego 
Bay,  18;  record  of  explora- 
tion, 18,  19;  discoverer  of 
California,  19,  20. 

California,  in  1540,  1-16;  dis- 
covery of,  18,  19;  origita  of 
the  name,  23-26;  coming  of 
Franciscans,  29 ; occupation 
of  three-fold  kind,  29;  first 
mission,  33;  Spanish  domin- 


881 


382 


Index 


ion  begins,  33 ; trade  re- 
strained, 71 ; part  of  dis- 
trict, 76 ; independent  of 
Spain,  81 ; and  constitution  of 
1812,  83;  changing  of  al- 
legiance, 84,  85;  territory  of 
Mexico,  85;  penal  colony  for 
Mexico,  69,  1 12;  hostile  to 
Mexico,  1 17;  new  oath  of 
allegiance  to  Mexico,  120; 
life  of  the  people,  144-155; 
education  before  18x7,  151; 
interest  in  the  United  States 
in  1841,  164;  dissensions  in, 
177;  efforts  to  purchase,  191 ; 
claimed  for  United  States  by 
Commodore  Sloat,  194;  pro- 
claimed free  from  Mexico 
and  conquered  by  United 
States,  195;  Southern,  op- 
poses seizure  by  U.  S.  197; 
permanently  acquired  by 
United  States,  207;  trouble 
over  government,  208 ; re- 
sult of  discovery  of  gold,  216- 
231;  increase  of  population, 
232;  admitted  as  a state, 
242;  seal,  242;  struggle  for 
order  in,  243-257;  and  civil 
war,  258-267;  plots  to  take 
out  of  Union,  258,  262;  loyal 
support  of  Union,  263-267; 
barriers  between,  and  East, 
268 ; railroads  268-282 ; 
Chinese,  283-296;  commer- 
cial depression,  297 ; Kearney 
and  Kearneyism,  299-305 ; 
constitution  of  1879,  306-317; 
political  history  since  1879, 


318-332;  natural  resources 
and  development,  333-344; 
social  progress,  345-3541 
growth  of  the  cities,  355-373. 

“ California  Republic,”  planned 
by  Ide,  182. 

Californians,  life  of  under 
Spanish  and  Mexican  reg- 
imes, 147-155;  capture 
Americans,  196;  defeat 
United  States  marines  at  San 
Pedro,  198;  win  battle  at 
San  Pascual,  200,  201. 

Californian,  The,  the  first 
newspaper,  352. 

California  Star,  The,  234,  352. 

Call,  The,  300. 

Carillo,  Carlos,  governor,  xx6, 

121. 

Carlos  III,  of  Spain,  39. 

Carson,  Kit,  sent  to  Washing- 
ton, 195,  199;  secures  aid 
for  Kearny,  201,  202. 

Castro,  Manuel,  leads  rebel- 
lion, 127,  128;  prefect,  179; 
and  Fremont’s  visit,  179, 
180;  and  American  settlers, 
186,  187. 

Cattle  raising,  339,  340. 

Central  Pacific  railroad,  275, 
277;  joined  to  Union  Pacific, 
278. 

Chinese,  the,  283-296;  value  to 
state,  284,  285;  persecuted 
286 ; “ Coolie,”  meaning, 

289;  massacre  at  Los  An- 
geles, 294 ; and  Kearneyism, 
298,  302 ; and  constitution  of 


Index 


383 


1879,  308,  315,  320;  under 
Geary  act,  321-323  ; at  Sacra- 
mento, 357. 

Chronicle,  The,  300. 

Cities,  growth  and  description, 
355-373- 

Civil  War,  the,  258-267. 

Cody,  W.  F.,  “ Buffalo  Bill,” 
and  Pony  Express,  270. 

Coleman,  William  T.,  organ- 
izes vigilance  committees, 
249,  252,  253. 

Commerce,  343,  344;  negligible 
factor  in  early  years,  1 54. 

Constitution  of  1849,  pro- 
claimed, 239;  of  1879,  306- 
3i7.  319- 

Coronado  Islands,  23. 

Cortes,  sends  Cabrillo  north, 
18. 

Credit  Mobilier,  276. 

Crime,  243-247,  318. 

Crocker,  Charles,  and  railroads, 
273- 

Death  Valley,  experiences  of 
Manly  party,  220,  222. 

Diaz,  Melchior,  explorer,  20. 

Digger  Indians,  2. 

Dominican  order,  given  charge 
of  Lower  California  Mis- 
sions, 53 ; and  Pious  Fund, 
58. 

Donner  Party  story,  169-174. 

Dorr,  Captain  Ebenezer,  visits 
Monterey,  145. 

Drake,  Francis,  explorer,  21. 

Durant,  Rev.  Henry,  college 
founder,  349. 


Earthquake  and  fire  of  1906, 
369-373- 

Echeandia,  Governor,  1 1 3 ; 

leads  revolt,  1 1 5 ; governor 
in  south,  115;  and  seculari- 
zation, 136. 

Education,  universities  and  col- 
leges, 349-351- 

Explorations,  early,  17. 

Fages,  Lieutenant,  antago- 
nism with  Serra,  51,  52,  53; 
as  governor  suggests  penal 
colony,  69;  commandant, 
75 ; governor,  78. 

Fallon,  Captain  Thomas, 
seizes  San  Jose,  194, 

Fernando  VII,  83. 

Ferrelo,  Bartolorrre,  explorer, 
20. 

Fillmore,  President,  242. 

Fires,  Sacramento,  357,  San 
Francisco,  365-370. 

Flores,  Jose  Maria,  governor, 
opposes  American  conquest, 
197. 

Forbes,  early  historian,  com- 
ment on  California,  176. 

Forty-nine,  216-231. 

Franciscans,  founding  of  the 
order,  and  work,  28 ; occupy 
California,  29;  give  up 
Lower  California  Missions, 
53;  and  Pious  Fund,  58; 
treatment  of  Indians,  95-98 ; 
and  securalization,  130. 

Fremont,  John  Charles,  176- 
188 ; leads  company  of  ex- 
plorers into  California,  178; 


384 


Index 


raises  American  flag,  180; 
assumes  head  of  Bear  Flag 
movement,  184;  and  aids  in 
conquest  of  California,  194; 
appointed  military  com- 
mander of  California,  195; 
civil  governor,  195;  receives 
surrender  of  Pico,  202;  in 
quarrel  over  governorship, 
204;  court  martialed,  205; 
returns  to  California,  205 ; 
chosen  senator,  240. 

Friars,  trouble  with  soldiers, 
52;  salaries,  58;  character, 
95-96;  oppose  pueblos,  71; 
oppose  ranches,  73 ; work  in 
the  missions,  87-102;  Spanish, 
expelled  from  Mexico,  136; 
recruits  in  1833,  138. 

Fruits,  337,  338;  oranges  and 
lemons,  338,  339. 

Galvez,  Jose  de,  Visitador  of 
Mexico,  29. 

Geary,  John  W.,  first  post- 
master, 269. 

Geary  Act  regarding  Chinese, 
321-323. 

Gillespie,  Archibald,  Lieuten- 
ant, messenger  to  Fremont, 
1 8 r,  185;  besieged  at  L09 
Angeles,  197. 

Gold,  discovery  of,  209-215; 
results  to  California  and  the 
world,  216-231;  and  crim- 
inals, 248 ; California’s  and 
She  Union,  266;  and  Chin- 
ese, 283 ; effect  of  discov- 


eries in  Australia,  288 ; pro- 
duction, 340. 

Government,  establishment  of, 
after  1847,  232-242;  consti- 
tution of  1849  proclaimed, 
239;  legislature,  240;  weak- 
ness of,  243,  244,  246;  for 
the  Union,  260;  and  the 
Chinese,  287;  constitution  of 
1879,  306-317;  under  con- 
stitution of  1879,  310-316. 

“ Graham  Affair,”  124,  125. 

Grain  and  Cereals,  336. 

Guadalupe  Hidalgo  Treaty, 
and  end  of  war,  207. 

Gwin,  William,  member  con- 
stitutional convention,  238; 
and  slavery,  238 ; chosen 
senator,  240. 

Hancock,  Winfield  Scott,  raises 
Stars  and  Stripes  at  Los  An- 
geles, 263. 

Hartnell,  W.  E.  P.,  mission  in- 
spector, 140;  arrival,  164. 

Hopkins,  Mark,  and  railroads, 
273. 

Huntington,  Collis  P.,  and  rail- 
roads, 273,  274. 

Ide,  William  B.,  leads  Bear 
Flag  revolution,  182,  183; 
deposed,  184. 

Immigration,  of  the  forties, 
163;  coming  of  Americans, 
164-175;  due  to  discovery  of 
gold,  216-231 ; chiefly  Ameri- 
cans, 345. 

Indians,  aboriginal,  1-16;  un- 


Index 


385 


der  the  missions,  49,  50,  87- 
102;  destroy  San  Diego  Mis- 
sion, 54,  55;  baptized,  59; 
confirmed  by  Serra,  77;  life 
in  the  missions,  92,  93 ; 

schools,  94;  work,  94;  treat- 
ment of,  95-99;  hostility  of, 
50,  54.  99;  revolt,  100; 

death  rate,  13 1 ; condition  of, 
in  1810,  131;  in  1826,  135; 
relapse,  140. 

Irrigation,  335,  336. 

Iturbide,  proclaims  independ- 
ence of  Mexico,  84;  pro- 
claimed emperor,  84. 

Jackson,  Helen  Hunt,  Ramona, 
353- 

Japanese,  296,  323. 

Jesuits,  opposed  in  Europe,  28. 

Johnson,  Hiram  W.,  elected 
governor,  328. 

Jones,  Commodore,  raises 
American  flag  at  Monterey, 
125,  191. 

Judah,  Theodore  D.  and  rail- 
road, 273,  274. 

Kearny,  General  Stephen  W., 
enters  California,  199;  battle 
of  San  Pascual,  200,  201 ; 
quarrel  with  Stockton,  203- 
205 ; governor  of  California, 
205. 

Kearney  and  Kearneyism,  299- 
305;  307. 

King,  Thomas  Butler,  236. 

King,  Thomas  Starr,  and  loy- 
alty, 261. 


King  of  William,  James,  edi- 
tor, reformer,  assassinated, 
251-253- 

Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle, 
261. 

Kotzebue,  72. 

LaPerouse,  opinion  of  missions, 
97 ; at  Monterey,  145. 

Larkin,  Thomas  O.,  consul, 
185;  tribute  to,  188;  in- 
structed to  secure  California 
for  United  States,  192;  con- 
stitutional convention,  237. 

La  Soledad,  mission,  present 
condition,  141. 

Las  Sergas  de  Esplandian,  24, 
25. 

Lasuen,  Fermin  Francisco,  suc- 
ceeds Serra,  57;  founds  mis- 
sions, 80. 

Latham,  governor,  and  slavery, 
259- 

Legislature,  temporary  of  San 
Francisco,  234;  new  of  1849, 
240;  pro-slavery  of  1859, 
258;  anti-slavery  of  i860, 
260;  anti-Chinese,  287;  calls 
for  constitutional  convention, 
305 ; creates  code  commis- 
sion, 306 ; duties  under  con- 
stitution of  1879,  314,  315; 
character  of,  in  first  thirty 
years,  of  state,  318;  of  1879, 
320;  of  1909,  328;  of  1911, 
328-331. 

Lewis  and  Clark  expedition, 
190. 


386 


Index 


Lincoln,  Abraham,  President, 
California  supports,  260,  266. 

Lincoln-Roosevelt  League,  326, 
328,  331,  332. 

Los  Angeles,  first  visited,  and 
named,  34;  pueblo,  65,  68; 
school  established,  72;  made 
capital,  1 17;  opposes  Al- 
vardo,  119,  121 ; again  capi- 
tal, 128;  seized  for  United 
States,  195;  center  of  revolt, 
196;  recaptured,  202;  Stars 
and  Stripes  raised  by  Han- 
cock, 263  ; massacre  of  Chin- 
ese, 294;  and  the  recall,  327; 
economic  policies,  346;  la- 
bor troubles,  347;  and  uni- 
versity, 350;  and  population, 
355  ! growth  and  descrip- 
tion, 359-362. 

Los  Angeles  Times,  The,  dy- 
namited, 347. 

“ Machine,”  in  politics,  324- 
328. 

Mail  Service,  inadequate,  269, 
the  Pacific  Mail,  269 ; the 
California  Star  route,  270. 

Manly  party,  experiences  on 
trip  to  gold  fields,  219-222. 

Manufactures,  342. 

Marshall,  James  W.,  discovers 
gold  at  Sutter’s  mill,  209, 
210;  after  life,  214. 

Mason,  Colonel,  governor  of 
California,  205,  211,  234. 

Mervine,  Captain,  defeat  at 
San  Pedro,  198. 

Metals,  340. 


Mexico,  under  Cortes,  1 8 ; early 
progress,  27;  makes  Cali- 
fornia a penal  colony,  69, 
X12;  becomes  independent, 
8 1 ; constitution  of  1812,  83; 
war  with  United  States,  193; 
armistice  with  United  States, 
207 ; end  of  war,  207 ; re- 
gime in  California,  m-129; 
constitutional  laws  of  1836, 
120;  opposes  entrance  of  for- 
eigners to  California,  123- 
162,  169;  transfers  Cali- 

fornia to  United  States  per- 
manently, 207. 

Micheltorena,  Manuel,  gov- 
ernor, 126,  127. 

Missions,  first  one  founded,  33; 
ceremonies  at  founding,  48, 
49;  extension  of  system,  51; 
numbers,  57,  58;  wealth,  59; 
supply  civil  forces,  81,  82; 
mission  system  described,  87- 
102;  equipment,  88;  build- 
ings, plans  and  construction, 
90-92 ; every  day  life,  92, 
93 ; failure  of,  101 ; achieve- 
ments, 101 ; secularization, 
112,  130-143;  property  de- 
stroyed, 139;  effect  of  secu- 
larization, 139;  death  of  sys- 
tem, 141 ; present  condition 
of  buildings,  141,  142. 

Moncada,  Rivera  y.,  com- 
mander in  occupation  of 
California,  31;  succeeds 
Fages,  53,  75. 

Monroe  Doctrine,  effect  on 
Europe,  190. 


Index 


887 


Montalvo,  Ordonez  de,  author 
of  Las  Sergas  de  Esplandian, 
24. 

Monterey,  visited  by  Cabrillo, 
19;  by  Vizcaino,  23;  by  Por- 
tola,  34,  35,  38;  presidio, 
62,  63 ; capital  of  two  prov- 
inces, 76;  pueblo,  1 1 1 ; loses 
capital  to  San  Diego,  113; 
taken  by  Alvarado,  118;  re- 
tains prominence,  147;  early 
schools,  151;  visited  by  Fre- 
mont, 179;  captured,  184; 
taken  by  Commodore  Sloat, 
194;  constitutional  conven- 
tion, 235-239. 

Montgomery,  Captain,  seizes 
San  Francisco,  194. 

Mormon  battalion,  enters  Cali- 
fornia, 205,  206. 

Natural  resources,  333-344. 

Neve,  Felipe  de,  governor,  76, 
77;  and  Serra,  77;  promoted, 
78. 

“New  Helvetia,”  159. 

New  York  Volunteers,  arrive 
in  California,  206,  207. 

Oil,  341. 

Pacific  Railroads,  268-282;  fin- 
ished, 278 ; celebration,  279. 

Palou,  Friar,  at  San  Francisco, 
56;  acts  as  Father-President, 
57- 

Panama-California  Exposition 
at  San  Diego,  359. 


Panama-Pacific  Exposition, 
373- 

Perez,  Juan,  explorer,  27,  32. 

Perkins,  George  C.,  governor, 
319. 

Philip  III,  King  of  Spain,  22, 
23. 

Pico,  Captain  Andres,  com- 
mands revolt  vs.  United 
States,  and  wins  at  San  Pas- 
cual,  200;  surrenders  to  Fre- 
mont, 202. 

Pico,  Pio,  governor,  128 ; at- 
tempt to  regain  governor- 
ship, 207;  member  consti- 
tutional convention,  237. 

Pious  Fund,  58,  59,  138;  dis- 
position of,  142,  143. 

Pony  Express,  270,  271. 

Population,  307. 

Portola,  Gaspar  de,  leads  oc- 
cupation of  California,  29, 
32;  goes  north,  33;  end  of 
governorship,  75. 

Presidio,  one  of  forms  of  oc- 
cupation of  California,  29 ; 
trouble  with  missions,  51 ; 
character  and  history,  60-64. 

Prices  of  goods  in  1788,  155; 
in  1849,  225. 

Pueblo,  one  of  forms  of  occu- 
pation of  California,  29 ; 
character  and  history,  65-74 1 
failure  of,  70. 

Railroads,  the  Pacific,  268-282; 
completed,  278,  279;  other 
roads,  279,  280,  281 ; laws  re- 
garding, 314,  330;  transcon- 


388 


Indeoc 


tinental  number  five,  344; 
and  Los  Angeles,  360. 

Religion,  present  condition,  349. 

Rezanof,  Count,  in  Alaska  and 
California,  103,  104. 

Riley,  Bennett,  governor,  calls 
constitutional  convention, 
235;  proclaims  new  consti- 
tution, 239. 

Romeu,  Jose  Antonio,  governor, 
79- 

Ross,  Fort,  105,  106,  108-no. 

Russians,  in  Alaska,  103,  Cali- 
fornia, 105,  107,  108-110, 
189. 

Sacramento,  chosen  as  capital, 
241 ; railroad  convention, 

273 ; and  constitution  of 

1879,  307;  government  fixed 
at,  316;  and  population,  355; 
story  of,  356-358. 

Sargent,  Aaron  A.,  and  rail- 
roads, 274. 

Sarria,  prefect,  85;  suppresses 
Bible,  152. 

San  Antonio  de  Padua  Mis- 
sion, 51. 

San  Antonio  de  Pala  Mission, 
58. 

San  Buenaventura  Mission,  57. 

San  Carles  Borromeo  de  Mon- 
terey Mission,  39. 

San  Diego,  first  occupied,  31; 
presidio,  62,  64;  and  labor 
agitation,  347;  and  popula- 
tion, 355;  growth  and  de- 
scription, 358,  359;  Panama- 
California  Exposition,  359. 


San  Diego  Mission  founded, 
33;  trouble  with  Indians, 
50;  destroyed,  54;  made 
capital  by  Echeandia,  113, 
present  condition,  142. 

San  Francisco,  bay,  20,  21 ; 
discovered  by  Portola’s  men, 
35;  presidio  established,  56, 
62;  Fort  San  Joaquin,  64; 
pueblo,  in;  as  a whaling 
port,  190;  taken  by  Captain 
Montgomery,  194;  effect  of 
discovery  of  gold,  212,  213, 
230;  starts  temporary  gov- 
ernment, 234;  storm  center 
of  crime,  247-256;  and  first 
telegraph,  270;  railroad  con- 
vention, 272,  273 ; anti-Chin- 
ese agitation,  292;  Kearney- 
ism,  298-303 ; Schmitz-Ruef 
regime,  325,  326;  and  popu- 
lation, 355;  growth  and  de- 
scription, 363-373 ; first  great 
fires,  365-370;  earthquake 
and  fire  of  1906,  369-373; 
Panama-Pacific  Exposition, 
373- 

San  Francisco  Mission,  56. 

San  Francisco  Solano  Mission, 
58,  108. 

San  Gabriel  Mission,  51;  pres- 
ent condition,  142. 

San  Jose,  convention  for  form- 
ing government,  234;  first 
legislature  meets,  240. 

San  Juan  Capistrano  Mission, 
54;  destroyed  by  earthquake, 
99,  100;  present  condition, 
142. 


Index 


389 


San  Luis  Obispo  de  Tolosa 
Mission,  52. 

San  Pedro,  growth  and  de- 
scription, 362,  363. 

San  Pascual,  battle  of,  200, 
201. 

San  Rafael  Mission,  108 ; pres- 
ent condition,  141. 

Santa  Barbara  Channel,  In- 
dians, 3,  13,  15;  islands  and 
Cabrillo,  19. 

Santa  Barbara  Mission,  pres- 
ent condition,  142. 

Santa  Barbara  presidio,  62; 
pueblo,  hi. 

Santa  Clara  Mission,  57;  pres- 
ent condition,  141. 

Santa  Cruz,  pueblo  founded, 
68 ; present  condition,  141. 

Santa  Inez  Mission  and  In- 
dian revolt,  100. 

Santa  Margarita  Mission,  58. 

Santa  Ysabel  Mission,  58. 

Schmitz-Ruef,  regime,  325, 
326. 

Schools,  312. 

Serra,  Junipero,  enters  Cali- 
fornia as  Father-President  of 
Franciscans,  29,  30;  founds 
first  mission,  33;  opposes  re- 
turn to  Mexico,  37;  biog- 
raphy, 40-47;  extends  mis- 
sion system,  5 1 ; visits 
Mexico,  52;  acts  as  bishop, 
77;  death,  57. 

Shaler,  Captain  William,  opin- 
ion of  California,  190. 

Slavery,  effect  of  question  on 
California,  233,  238,  241 ; 


pro-legislature  of  1859,  258 ; 
and  governor  Latham,  259; 
anti-legislature  of  i860,  260; 
effect  on  railroads,  272. 

Sloat,  Commodore  John  D., 
raises  flag  at  Monterey  and 
proclaims  conquest  by  United 
States,  194. 

Smith  Persifor,  General,  236. 

Social  progress,  345-354. 

Sola,  Pablo  Vicente  de,  gov- 
ernor, 82. 

Solis,  Joaquin,  heads  criminal 
revolt,  1 1 3. 

Southern  Pacific  railroad,  280; 
and  “Machine,”  324;  and 
Los  Angeles,  360. 

Spain,  loss  of  power,  81;  loses 
Mexico  and  California,  81, 
8S._ 

Spanish  Period,  75-86. 

Stanford,  Leland,  elected  gov- 
ernor, 260;  and  railroads, 
273;  senator,  282;  founds 
university,  350. 

Steamship  lines,  344. 

Stockton,  Commodore,  succeeds 
Sloat,  and  carries  on  con- 
quest of  California,  194;  pro- 
claims California  free  from 
Mexico  and  conquered  by 
United  States,  195;  in  South- 
ern California,  198;  recap- 
tures Los  Angeles,  202; 
quarrel  with  Kearny,  203- 
205. 

Struggle  for  order,  243-257. 

Suffrage,  woman’s  adopted, 
330. 


390 


Index 


Sutter,  Captain  John  A.,  156- 
163;  arrival  at  Monterey, 
156;  established  in  Sacra- 
mento Valley,  157;  plans, 
x6x;  and  discovery  of  gold, 
209-215;  constitutional  con- 
vention, 237;  candidate  for 
governor,  240;  and  agricul- 
ture, 334. 

Sutter’s  Fort,  159;  Fremont’s 
description  of,  160;  wel- 
comes immigrants,  162;  vis- 
ited by  Fremont,  179;  goal 
of  gold  seekers,  223. 

Telegraph,  the  first,  270. 

Terry,  Judge  David  S.,  256, 
318- 

Union  Pacific  railroad,  organ- 
ized, 273 ; and  national  law, 
274-277;  joined  to  Central 
Pacific,  278. 

United  States,  tries  to  purchase 
California,  191;  struggle  in 
Congress  over  acquisition, 
192;  declaration  of  war  with 
Mexico,  193 ; armstice  with 
Mexico,  207;  acquires  Cali- 
fornia permanently,  207 ; 
treaty  with  China,  320. 

Universities,  349,  350. 


Vallejo,  Guadalupe,  establishes 
garrison  and  colony  in  So- 
noma, 1x6;  assists  movement 
for  independence,  118;  opin- 
ion of  Early  California  life, 
155;  welcomes  immigrants, 
163;  arrested  and  impris- 
oned, 182;  at  constitutional 
convention,  237. 

Vancouver,  63;  opinions  of 
Missions,  97 ; visits  to  Cali- 
fornia, 145. 

Victoria,  Manuel,  governor, 
succeeds  Echeandia,  1x4. 

Vigilance  Committee,  first  or- 
ganized, 249;  its  work,  249- 
251 ; second  committee  and 
work,  252-254;  opinion  of 
J.  D.  Farrell,  255. 

Vilas,  Vicente,  commander  in 
occupation  of  California,  31. 

Vizcaino,  Don  Sebastian,  ex- 
plorer, 22,  23. 

Workingmen’s  Party,  301,  304, 
308. 

Works,  John  D.,  elected  sena- ' 
tor,  329. 

Wrangell,  at  Sausalito,  107. 

Zamorano,  Augustin,  V.,  Gov- 
ernor in  north,  115. 


«2UL2  ’56 


